Having served the two Englishmen and himself, Cary was all ears.
‘Yes, the Korean War is over, but the Cold War continues, and I can assure you that it has never been more intense. The West risks losing strategic territory, the Soviets are very aggressive, and they are waging obstructionist battles in every area of diplomatic confrontation. The unfortunate execution of the Rosenbergs, here in America, less than six years ago, has given an increasingly bitter tone to communications and led to reciprocal accusations. Furthermore, you will be aware that the Soviet Union has had the H-bomb for two years. A global balance of terror has established itself, and there are at least four crucial, thorny questions on the table, upon whose diplomatic solution the fate of the whole planet depends. Does that sound too high-flown?’
‘Well, who isn’t afraid of the atom bomb?’ replied Cary.
‘Indeed. And unfortunately, even in the country of which you have become a citizen, there are people who are threatening to use it at the drop of a hat. The Berlin Conference has been under way for a week, involving the United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and France. On the agenda are the war in Indochina, the partition of Korea and the rearmament of the German Federal Republic. Let’s leave Korea out of the picture, because we might say that the fever there is subsiding. The most explosive situation is in Indochina, where the French colonial army has been placed in serious difficulties by Ho Chi Minh’s communists. As far as the German problem is concerned, the Federal Republic is sure to amend its constitution to allow the reorganisation of a national army, and become a NATO member by the end of the year. You can imagine the repercussions in the Kremlin.’
‘I suppose they’ll say that a new German army would call various Nazi lunatics back into service,’ the actor mused.
‘That is actually one of their favourite topics. But Germany no longer poses a threat: the Allied administration, the Marshall Plan and the territorial division have stabilised the situation. Indeed I would go further than that: the anti-communism of the German military cadres is a precious resource, because the Federal Republic is now one of our bastions along the Iron Curtain.’
‘So you’re saying that in order to oppose the Russians, Europe is placing its trust in people who were wearing swastika armbands until just the other day?’ asked Cary.
‘À la guerre comme à la guerre, Mr Grant. I repeat that there is no risk of a Nazi revival, while the Russians have the H-bomb and are conquering new territories. The admission of the Federal Republic into NATO is a crucial act within the context of the Cold War.’
Cary interrupted him: ‘You’ve hinted at four crucial questions, but you’ve said that in Berlin they’re discussing three.’
‘I note that you are an attentive listener,’ Sir Lewis said with a slight smile. ‘The fourth has to do with the city of Trieste.’
‘Trieste in Italy?’
‘That is precisely the point: at the moment, Trieste is not Italian territory, but neither has it been annexed by communist Yugoslavia. Its official title is the “Free Territory of Trieste”. For nine years the administration has been in the hands of the British and American military police, the Italian and Yugoslavian governments have not yet reached an agreement, and recently the city has been the scene of bloody clashes. MI6 is firmly convinced that, even before the rearmament of the Federal Republic of Germany, East — West relations depend on future agreements concerning Trieste. As you must be aware, Yugoslavian communism is a thing of its own. Yugoslavia doesn’t obey Moscow’s rules, and was therefore “excommunicated” from the Cominform in ’48.’
‘The Cominform?’
‘That’s the consulting body of all the communist parties in the world. All, that is, except the League of Yugoslavian Communists.’
‘And why did the Russians dismiss the Yugoslavs?’
‘For their refusal to submit to Stalin’s authority, and for making unorthodox foreign policy decisions. In other words, Yugoslavia is outside the logic of the Eastern and Western blocs, and is deserting the Cold War. For example, it has remained entirely indifferent to the conflict in Korea. You see, between ’41 and ’45, the Yugoslavs freed themselves from the Italo-German occupation without any help from anyone. It was the Yugoslavian Communist Party that led the struggle. In short, the Yugoslavian communists carried out their socialist revolution all by themselves, and for that reason they don’t need to kowtow to Moscow. Besides, they already have a supreme leader, Marshal Josip Broz, known as “Tito”, a partisan hero and a great military strategist. Once the war was over, the two personality cults could not coexist: it would not be possible to venerate Tito and Stalin.’
Cary elegantly crossed his legs without crumpling the line of his trousers, and gave a slight nod. ‘My colleague Sterling Hayden talked to me once about this character Tito, I think he knew him personally during the war.’
Sir Lewis allowed himself a faint smile. ‘We will get to Tito’s personality shortly, it’s something that concerns you more than you can imagine.’
Cary refreshed the glasses.
Raymond sipped his scotch and folded his arms as he waited for his superior to continue.
Sir Lewis started talking again, extremely calmly. ‘I don’t want to bore you with a detailed technical description of economic and political issues, Mr Grant. You need only know that when we speak of Tito’s Yugoslavia we must not think of the Soviet Union.’
Cary’s face assumed an ironic expression, as though he were preparing to utter the punchline of a script: ‘So you’re telling me, Sir Lewis, that there are good communists?’
Raymond blushed with embarrassment and looked at Sir Lewis, who didn’t turn a hair. ‘I wouldn’t say anything of the kind. But certainly there are communists who may be useful to our purposes. Tito is one of those.’
The MI6 officer paused, waiting for Grant to say something, but Cary remained silent, sipping his drink.
‘The United Kingdom enjoys a state of privileged dialogue with the Marshal. You should be aware, in fact, that during the war contact was made with the Yugoslav partisans, with a view to sending aid to Tito. And Washington tried something similar as welclass="underline" as you just mentioned, Mr Grant, some officers with American links, including your colleague Hayden, have established contact with the Yugoslavs. But over the past few years the work of the McCarthy Commission has made any form of approach towards the communist countries utterly unthinkable. Let alone thinking of exploiting for the purpose individuals who have had dealings with them during the war. I am aware that Mr Hayden has had problems with the Commission just because of his war record.’
Cary snorted. ‘Let’s drop the euphemisms, Sir Lewis. Hayden was interrogated by McCarthy as a communist sympathiser, he was accused of un-American activities, and it was impossible for him to go on working in Hollywood. That’s a little more than “having problems”, don’t you think?’
Sir Lewis nodded irritably. ‘Without a doubt. But what matters is that the United Kingdom does not have a McCarthy. We have a different margin of manoeuvre.’
‘To do what, Sir Lewis?’ asked Cary, tired of the endless preamble.
Sir Lewis exchanged a glance with Raymond, who nodded and said, ‘To bring Yugoslavia on to our side.’
Cary Grant’s left eyebrow reached an altitude it had never touched before, not even on the big screen.
‘But didn’t you just say that Mr Tito was a communist, or am I mistaken?’
Raymond sought his superior’s agreement again, and said, ‘Certainly. And no one is about to try and make him change his mind. But a country such as Yugoslavia could be subjected to. blandishments, enough to make it prefer us to the Russians. It would be a matter not of interfering in the political system of the country, but of establishing firm economic and diplomatic relations. The process has already been under way for a number of years, a commercial partnership already exists, and Her Majesty herself has received Tito in Buckingham Palace.’