Niels picked up the plastic bag, opened it and removed the automatic pistol and ammunition clip from it before placing them in the patch pocket of his combat jacket. As he did so, he had the feeling that he had seen and held the weapon a dozen times previously. But he knew he had never held any gun before.
‘I’ll do it,’ he said.
Chapter Ten
Horst van Heiden was a man of middle height, stockily built and with a brooding face framed by a grey-white continuum of hair and beard. When he walked into van Heiden’s office, Fabel was struck by the same impression that he always had on seeing the Criminal Director: that he wore an expensive suit as if it were a uniform. It fitted, because most of van Heiden’s career had been spent in the uniformed branch, including some time on attachment to the Harbour Police, and even after ten years in the post he did not look suited to the role of chief of detectives.
Van Heiden looked at his watch as Fabel entered. The Criminal Director wasn’t making a point: it was simply a habit he had of time-checking the beginning and end of each meeting, or segment of a meeting, or time between meetings. Time was important to van Heiden. Fabel had worked with him for seven years and the relationship had become as relaxed and close as a relationship with van Heiden could become. Fabel had no doubt that van Heiden respected him, even liked him, but the Criminal Director was a hard man to read. Distant. Closed-off.
There were two other men in the office, sitting facing van Heiden’s desk. They both turned in their chairs when Fabel came in. He recognised one of them instantly — a medium-height fit-looking man in his mid-fifties with receding greying hair swept severely back and a neatly trimmed beard. As he had the first time they had met, he gave Fabel the impression of a successful film director, artist or writer. Fabel was taken aback by the synchronicity of it all.
‘Ah, Jan… thanks for coming at such short notice,’ van Heiden said and indicated the chair between the two men. ‘You know Herr Muller-Voigt, I believe?’
‘Indeed I do.’ Fabel shook hands with Muller-Voigt. ‘How are you, Herr Senator? I heard you on the radio this morning.’
‘Oh, that?’ Muller-Voigt looked as if the memory of it was vaguely irritating. ‘I don’t know why they put me in with that idiot…’
Fabel made a vague ‘mmmm’ noise of agreement, hiding the fact that he had been too sleepy even to take in who that idiot was, or indeed anything other than the sketchiest impression of what was being discussed.
‘And may I introduce Herr Fabian Menke, of the BfV?’ Van Heiden indicated the other man. Menke was in his late thirties, Fabel reckoned, and had thinning fair hair and blue eyes behind frameless spectacles. His suit was several hundred euros downmarket from Muller-Voigt’s designer casual-chic. The BfV was the Bundesamt fur Verfassungsschutz, the Federal Office for Protection of the Constitution: Germany’s main internal security service. The agency’s brief covered anything that was considered to endanger German democracy: skinheads and neo-Nazis, left-wing extremist groups, Islamic terrorism, destructive cults or anti-democratic groups, foreign espionage. More controversially, the BfV had a unit devoted to the monitoring of the activities of Scientology in Germany. Even the Interior Ministry of the Hamburg State Government had a Scientology Task Force and, although Fabel had not met Menke before, he had heard of him and knew he was the main liaison between the BfV and Hamburg’s law-enforcement agencies. Van Heiden turned to Menke: ‘This is Principal Chief Commissar Fabel, who heads our special Murder Commission team.’
Fabel shook hands with Menke and sat down.
‘I’ve heard about your unit, Herr Fabel,’ said Menke. ‘I believe you now assist other Murder Commissions across the Federal Republic with complex cases.’
‘When we can,’ said Fabel. ‘I’m afraid that, at the moment, we have too much of a workload of our own to deal with.’
‘Ah, yes, this Network Killer case?’ Muller-Voigt cut in. ‘I believe there was another body found this morning.’
‘We found a body, yes, Herr Senator. But we have not established whether or not it is linked to the other murders.’
‘You think it may be unconnected?’ asked Muller-Voigt. Fabel remained silent for a moment, fighting back the instinct to tell the politician that such information was a police matter and none of his damn business.
‘Our investigations are continuing,’ said Fabel blankly. He turned to his boss. ‘You wanted to see me about something, Criminal Director?’
‘Em, yes. Yes, I did.’ Van Heiden had clearly sensed the tension between Fabel and Muller-Voigt. He reached across the vast plain of his desk and handed a file over to Fabel. We have a major environmental summit, GlobalConcern Hamburg, about to take place in the city. As Environment Senator, Herr Muller-Voigt here heads up the organising committee. But of course you already know about it, because you said you heard the debate on the radio this morning.’
‘I only caught part of it…’ Fabel was beginning to seriously regret having mentioned hearing Muller-Voigt on the radio. But it was true that he did know something about the GlobalConcern Hamburg summit.
‘This is an unusual conference,’ said Menke, the BfV man, ‘insofar as the focus is not just on saving the planet, it is about the commercial opportunities that environmental technologies offer. There are now a lot of major corporate players involved in environment-related activities. The difference is that these operators aren’t motivated by revolutionary zeal but by the same old imperative of turning a profit. Not that there’s anything wrong with that, if, at the same time, they’re making a positive contribution to the environment.’
‘I see,’ said Fabel, then looked at van Heiden with a confused so why am I here? expression.
‘I’m sure you’re aware that there is almost a tradition of the disaffected of the Free and Hanseatic City expressing their disaffection by setting other citizens’ cars on fire?’ continued Menke.
‘Like the first swallow or the blossom on the trees,’ said Fabel. ‘You know it’s summer in Hamburg when you smell the scent of boiling automobile paint in the air.’ No one got the humour and Fabel moved on. ‘What’s that got to do with the Murder Commission?’
‘Last year there were thirty-four thousand politically motivated crimes in Germany,’ said Menke. ‘A significant proportion of these crimes is made up of arson attacks on cars and business premises in Berlin and Hamburg.’
‘I can quote the figures, Jan,’ said van Heiden. ‘Two hundred cars burned out in Hamburg over the last year. Ten in a single night in Flottbek, a dozen over a one-week period in Harvestehude. And then, of course, there was the attack on the police station in the Schanzenviertel. Unbelievable. One patrol car burned out and a police station in the heart of the city under attack by masked thugs…’ Van Heiden shook his head in genuine disbelief. Fabel knew that no matter how much you tried to explain it to van Heiden, the chief of detectives would never be able to understand how there could be so much anger in Germany’s most prosperous city, his beloved Hamburg.
‘All of these have been down to extreme-left or anarchist groups,’ continued Menke. ‘And that is a worrying trend. The vast majority of the politically motivated crime we investigate at the BfV is skinhead/neo-Nazi. In fact, twice as many offences are committed by the radical right as by the radical left. But there is a shift taking place. We are seeing more and more envy crimes being committed. We have mounting evidence that extreme environmentalist groups are becoming involved.’
‘I don’t think it’s fair to describe these groups as exclusively extreme environmentalists,’ said Muller-Voigt. ‘These people are just as easily described as anarchists or extreme leftists.’
‘Well, it wouldn’t be the first time there’s been a crossover between the two philosophies.’ Fabel kept his tone even and conversational, as if making a general observation. The truth was that everyone in the room knew that Muller-Voigt, a contemporary of Joschka Fischer and Daniel Cohn-Bendit, had been involved in radical-left politics in the 1980s. And there had been some question marks over how far his involvement with some of the more extreme groups had gone.