On learning the approach of Centeno, De Robles returned to Cuzco, where he made such preparations as seemed necessary; and, on hearing that Centeno was within a days march, he took the field with three hundred men, sending forwards Francisco de Aguira to procure intelligence. This person was brother to one Peruchio de Aguira who had formerly been put to death by the lieutenant-general Carvajal, and was consequently a secret enemy to the insurgent party. Instead therefore of executing the commission confided to him by De Robles, he went immediately to join Centeno, whom he informed of every thing that was going on at Cuzco and of the state of affairs in that city. In the night before the festival of Corpus Christi of the year 1547, Centeno advanced toward the city of Cuzco, by a different road from that in which De Robles and his troops were posted; and, having turned one of his flanks, made an unexpected assault with great resolution, as resolved to conquer or die. Completely surprised and thrown into confusion, the troops of De Robles were unable to get into any order for defence, and even in several instances turned their arms against each other, insomuch that a good many of them were slain by their own comrades. On this occasion Centeno used the following stratagem, which succeeded admirably: Having taken off the saddles and bridles from the horses belonging to his small band of followers, he ordered them to be driven by his attendant Indians along the road which led to the front of the enemies camp, to call off their attention from his real attack on their flank and rear. By this means, as the horses were urged on by the Indians behind, they threw the troops of De Robles into confusion, and enabled Centeno to penetrate into the camp unperceived and unopposed, where he and his men exerted themselves so courageously that the insurgents were completely defeated and put to flight.
(Illustration: Map: VICEROYALTY OF PERU)
By this successful exploit Centeno acquired great honour; it having been seldom seen that so small a number had defeated so disproportioned a force of infinitely better armed troops. It has been reported that, on this occasion, some men belonging to Alfonso de Hinojosa were the first to fly, in consequence of secret orders for that purpose: But these men never acknowledged the truth of this allegation, as disgraceful to themselves; and Centeno denied the story, as detracting from the glory of his victory.
After the derout of De Robles, Centeno took possession of Cuzco, where he was immediately elected captain-general of that city and province for his majesty. Next day, he caused Antonio de Robles to be beheaded, and distributed 100,000 crowns, which he found in that city belonging to Gonzalo, among his followers. He in the next place took measures for raising a respectable force; appointing Pedro de Rios and Juan de Vargas, the brother of Garcilasso de la Vega, captains of infantry, and Francisco Negral captain of Cavalry; Luis de Ribera being named major-general. Having armed and equipped about four hundred men, he set out for La Plata, with the intention of persuading Alfonso de Mendoza, who commanded at that place for Gonzalo, to declare for the king, or otherwise to take possession of that place by force.
About this time, Lucas Martin, who had been sent by Gonzalo to conduct the troops of Arequipa to Lima, set out from Arequipa with 130 men for that purpose; but when he had proceeded about four leagues on his march, his people mutinied and made him prisoner, electing Jerom de Villegas as their commander, and immediately marched off to join Centeno, who was then in the Collao waiting the issue of some negotiations in which he had employed Pedro Gonzalo de Zarate, schoolmaster at Cuzco. While in the Collao, Centeno was informed that Juan de Silveira, the Serjeant major of the army of the insurgents, had been sent by Gonzalo to conduct the troops of that province to Lima, and had made prisoners of five or six of the royalists whom he met with on his march. Silveira had collected about three hundred men on this occasion, and we shall relate what befel them in the sequel.
On learning the success of Centeno at Cuzco and the death of De Robles, and being likewise informed that the people of San Miguel had declared for his majesty, and that the captains Mercadillo and Porcel had joined Diego de Mora at Caxamarca; Gonzalo Pizarro saw that he had now only to depend on the force which was along with himself at Lima, and those under Pedro de Puelles, on whose fidelity he reposed entire confidence. In this predicament, he determined to alter the destination of Juan d'Acosta and to send him against Centeno with a respectable force, resolving to follow d'Acosta in person with all his army if necessary, then amounting to nine hundred men, among whom were many of the principal inhabitants of Peru. In forming this new resolution, his object was in the first place to reduce all the upper or mountainous provinces to subjection, and afterwards to make war on every other part of the country which had withdrawn from his authority. It has likewise been conjectured, that Gonzalo proposed to himself, in case of any reverse, to endeavour to make some new discovery and conquest, towards the Rio Plata, or Chili, or in some other place to the south and east of Peru. He certainly never avowed this intention openly, nor is it alleged that he communicated it to any of his confidents, as this would have indicated a want of confidence in his cause; so that this idea rests only on conjecture. In consequence of this new plan, Gonzalo recalled D'Acosta to Lima with all his troops, to the great mortification of that person and his followers; insomuch that seven or eight of them deserted, choosing Jerome de Soria as their commander. Many others would certainly have followed this example, if it had not been for the severe precautions exercised by D'Acosta on the occasion, who put to death Lorenza Mexia, son-in-law to the Conde de Gomera, and another soldier, whom he suspected of intending to desert. He likewise arrested several others who were suspected of similar intentions, whom he carried prisoners to Lima.
A few days before the arrival of D'Acosta at Lima, Gonzalo took some suspicion of the fidelity of Antonio Altamarino, his standard bearer, who appeared to conduct himself with a degree of coldness in the present emergency; and, without any direct proof or even any strong suspicious circumstances being alleged against him, he caused him to be arrested and put in irons as a criminal, had him strangled in prison during the night, and ordered his dead body to be suspended upon the public gibbet. Altamarino was one of the richest colonists in Peru, and Gonzalo, having confiscated all his wealth, distributed it among his most attached followers. After this, he gave the charge of the royal standard to Don Antonio de Ribera, who had just joined with thirty men from Guamanga, whence also he had brought some arms and cattle which he had taken from the inhabitants of that place. At this time Gonzalo found his affairs much embarrassed and growing every day worse, insomuch that he could only count upon the force which accompanied him in Lima; whereas a short time before he seemed absolute master of the whole kingdom of Peru. He was in great fear, if the new royal orders, the general amnesty, and the revocation of the obnoxious regulations, all of which had been brought out from Spain by the president, should come to the knowledge of his remaining followers, that they would all abandon him. In this state of uncertainty and dread, he assembled all the principal inhabitants and citizens of Lima at his house, to whom he represented, "That he had brought himself into a very embarrassing and even dangerous situation by his exertions in their service, during which he had endured much labour and danger in the wars he had carried on for their benefit, and for the protection of their property and rights, for all which they were indebted to the genius and valour of his brother the marquis. That, in the present situation of affairs, the whole colonists ought to consider their honour and interests as identified with his own, the conduct of both being sufficiently justified in sending deputies to inform the king of all that had occurred during the troubles and commotions. That the president had arrested these deputies at Panama, had seduced his officers, and had taken possession of his ships. That the president certainly had done all these things to advance his own private interest; as, if he had received orders from his majesty to make war against the kingdom, he would assuredly have given intelligence of this circumstance through Paniagua. That not satisfied with these outrages, the president now invaded the government to which he, Gonzalo, had been lawfully appointed, and disseminated numerous libels against him throughout the kingdom, as was well known to them all. That consequently, he was determined to use his utmost efforts to oppose the president, who treated him as an enemy without any legitimate cause. That the general interests of all the colonists and his own were obviously identified; as, should the president carry matters to extremity as every thing seemed to indicate, they would all be brought to a severe account for the consequences of the late wars and disorders, and would be held responsible for the murders and plunders which had been perpetrated during their continuance. He requested them therefore to reflect maturely on all these things; and, as he had hitherto exerted his utmost efforts in defence of their rights, it still remained not only to continue to defend the same, but even to preserve their lives and honours. For these purposes, therefore, he had now assembled them, and to lay before them a clear state of the present situation of affairs; and he requested of them to declare freely and openly their undisguised sentiments; engaging, on the faith and honour of a gentleman and a knight, which he was ready to confirm by a solemn oath, that he would not injure any one in person or estate for the opinion or advice they might now give; but should leave every one at full liberty to declare for either party in the present troubles, and even to retire wherever they might judge proper. Therefore, he expected that all who were disposed to adhere to him on the present occasion should declare themselves without reserve, as he would demand of them to confirm their promise by a written and signed engagement. He advised them accordingly to look well to their promises when once made; as if any one should violate the same, or should appear lukewarm or feeble in their efforts in the approaching crisis, he would immediately order them to be put to death even upon very slight circumstances of suspicion."