“Sir, it’s dangerous only because terrorists or authoritarian governments are interfering,” Kercheval argued. “American companies spend billions of dollars developing business opportunities in countries like Turkmenistan — they expect and deserve a return on their investment, and they expect and deserve some protection from their government. It’s in the Constitution you so love to quote, Mr. President: ‘life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness… ‘ “
“That’s in the Declaration of Independence, Mr. Kercheval, not the Constitution,” Thorn corrected him.
“Whatever,” Kercheval said. Thorn blinked in surprise at the “whatever” thrown out so flippantly at him by his secretary of state — to Thorn, confusing the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution was a very big deal — but he did not interrupt. Kercheval knew that arguing the contents of American historical documents with Thomas Nathaniel Thorn was a losing battle. “The point, sir, is that the U.S. government has an obligation to protect its citizens and ensure stability and free enterprise.”
“We have had this discussion many times in the past, Edward,” the president said with a hint of exasperation. This surprised Robert Goff, the man who knew Thomas Thorn the best. Normally, Thorn was the most patient man he had ever known. He could debate any issue in any venue, day or night, and be assured of winning almost every point. Now, in a forum where discussion and consensus were most important, he seemed impatient and unwilling to talk. “As the commander in chief, I am not interested in sending U.S. troops overseas to force any leader or regime to do business with the United States. If Turkmenistan fails to live up to its obligations, TransCal should pull out—”
“ ‘Pull out’? Mr. President, TransCal has invested billions in building those oil and gas lines in Turkmenistan,” Kercheval argued. “They’d lose it all if the government there suddenly decides to renege—”
“Edward, let’s table this discussion for the time being,” the president said. “I’m ordering no action in Turkmenistan for now. If contracts between American companies and the Turkmen government are violated, I’ll have the attorney general’s office expedite handling of lawsuits and trade sanctions. Otherwise we do nothing. I would like position papers on this topic submitted to the vice president as soon as possible. End of discussion.”
“My objections are on the record, sir?” Kercheval asked.
“Yes. Next matter: Chinese intentions in the South China Sea. What do we have on this?”
The meeting lasted another hour, with the same pattern: the latest intelligence information, the usual lively, sometimes heated discussions, followed by a general policy statement from the president. Edward Kercheval grew quieter and quieter as the meeting went on.
And the president, vice president, and secretary of defense found out why, moments after everyone else had departed.
“Mr. President, I regret to inform you that I cannot any longer support your administration and your policies, and I intend to submit my resignation to you immediately,” Kercheval said formally, standing almost at attention in front of the president’s desk.
Busick and Goff wore completely stunned expressions. Finally Busick spluttered, “For Christ’s sake, Edward, what in hell do you want to do that for?”
“Edward, there’s no need to resign,” President Thorn said, holding up a hand to silence Busick. “I fully intend to do something to protect our interests in Central Asia — as soon as we reach a consensus about where our interests lie. For now my decision is to do nothing. I expect everyone to contribute to the discussion. Lester will put it all together for me, and I’ll make a decision. But I’m not going to act without careful deliberation.”
“Mr. President, I don’t expect you to act precipitously,” Kercheval said. “But I do expect you to issue some sort of statement declaring your support for American interests in Turkmenistan.”
“The president does support American interests, in Turkmenistan and everywhere in the world,” Robert Goff interjected. “Why issue such a statement just for Turkmenistan?”
“Goff’s right, Ed. There’s nothing going on in Turkmenistan yet,” Vice President Busick emphasized. “You heard Morgan — a few Taliban runnin’ around doesn’t mean all of TransCal’s investments go up in smoke. Relax, for Christ’s sake. Don’t get flustered here.”
Kercheval ignored them all. “Mr. President, I find I simply can’t support your foreign-policy decisions. It’s not just Turkmenistan; it’s your policy regarding our alliances, our treaty commitments, our military, and our overall guardianship of peace in the world. I was happy for the first few years to mouth your words in place of my own. I feel I can no longer do that.”
Thomas Thorn looked at Kercheval for a long moment, then nodded. “I understand, Edward,” he said.
“How do you wish me to depart, sir?”
“Nominate your replacement. Give us time to talk to him, check him out, and let him meet and greet the folks in Congress,” the president said. “Once we have a good solid core group of senators warming up to him, you can depart.”
“Yeah, you can tell the press you have some unexplained brain disorder,” Busick muttered.
“Mr. Busick—”
“It’s all right, Mr. President. I suppose I deserve that,” Kercheval said. He glared at Busick and added, “I expected nothing else.” Busick scowled at him but said nothing. “And I expected nothing less from you, sir. Even under adversity you are a gentleman. I intend to nominate Deputy Secretary of State Maureen Hershel as my replacement, and I will prepare a perfectly plausible and palatable explanation for my departure.” He shook hands with Thorn, nodded to Goff and Busick, and departed.
“Snake,” Busick said under his breath.
“Lester, have Miss Hershel come see me right away.” Busick nodded. He was familiar with her. Maureen Hershel was a career State Department official and an expert on many different facets of running the department, from administration to operations.
“What a damned prick,” Busick exclaimed as he picked up the telephone beside him.
“Those comments will cease immediately,” Thorn ordered. “Keep them to yourself. Edward Kercheval was a valuable and trusted member of this administration and is still a good friend and a great American. He follows his heart and his conscience, as we all do, but that doesn’t diminish his loyalty to his country or his service and dedication to this administration.”
“Mr. President, no one who takes an oath to serve the administration resigns except under extreme personal crisis,” Busick said as he waited to be put through to Hershel’s office. “In other words, he had better be on his deathbed or a convicted ax murderer if he wants to bail before the end of a term. He serves at the pleasure of the president, not at his own personal pleasure. He resigns only to save the administration the embarrassment of kicking him out or prosecuting him. Edward is an experienced Washington player — he knows what he’s doing. This will look bad for him, but it will look very, very bad for us.”
“Hershel is a good choice,” Goff said. “Former FBI, very good credentials, good background, lots of international experience.”
“She’s a babe, I know that,” Busick remarked. Goff nodded agreement, even though he knew that the president would not approve of such locker-room talk. “Well, at least Kercheval did something right. But Jesus — a year before the election, and Kercheval punches out. The only thing that’s going to save our political butts now is if he develops a brain tumor or rectal cancer or something.”
“Lester, let’s move on,” Thorn said. “Edward resigned. We’ve got a good and experienced replacement for him. I’m not concerned about the political fallout right now. Tonight, after the paperwork is cleared up and the phone stops ringing, I’ll start worrying about the politics.”