He smiled to himself. Eisenhower had been summoned back to the United States for a conference, something that would have been impossible before the Transition, or during World War Two, and he wasn’t enjoying it. Arguing with countless suppliers that he wanted more supplies heading to Norway now, not futuristic weapons in a year, was draining. Everyone was very keen to produce the B-29 design, ignoring the fact that it would be at least five months before one could be ready, let alone the hordes of bombers that LeMay was dreaming about.
“We need more aerial supply,” Eisenhower said grimly, and Palter smiled as the USAAF commanders collectively recoiled. “At the moment, we are not using tanks, but we’re slipping troops over the mountains and we need to supply them. The British can’t lift anything like enough for us, and we can build the aircraft required for it.”
“We have to win the war quickly,” LeMay said. “We can only do that by systematically destroying Germany’s abilities to wage war. A sustained, constant bombing attack could end the war within months, flying from bases in North Africa or England, perhaps even Norway…”
“What little airfields remain in Norway are being used by British close-support VTOL aircraft,” Eisenhower snapped. “What about our other supplies, eh?”
“Production of the Liberty Ships is only increasing,” a grey man said. He was from the Navy Department. “Almost all of the production ships have been earmarked for transporting supplies to Orkney, and from there to Bergen. You’ll have your supplies there, General…”
Palter smiled. The Navy was also keen on long-range bombers, although for different reasons. They wanted them to play a role in the antisubmarine role, and even the atomic role when that became available. They’d even begun planning a nuclear carrier, even though they were hardly necessary now.
“The problem is that Norway’s logistics are very poor,” Eisenhower snapped, not bothering to conceal his annoyance. “We’re spending too much effort trying to rebuild parts of their rail network – a futile effort in the time we have available – because you can’t drop supplies to us. This is not the desert; this is mountainous terrain that a few rock falls can totally block off.”
He waved a hand at the map. “Once we reach Oslo, we will need supplies to knock the Germans out of there,” he said. “The reconnaissance satellites” – Eisenhower had been among the approving crowd – “report that the Germans are digging in, gentlemen, digging in into terrain that makes Gettysburg or Cold Harbour look nice and easy. We have only forty thousand men there – and I can’t afford to lose many of them.”
“Could the British not bomb the defenders to hell and gone?” A man with a southern accent asked. Palter was puzzled; he didn’t know who he was. “We keep hearing things about wonder weapons, you know, and then there was the explosion in Romania.”
Eisenhower looked at Palter. “Precision weapons either require very good reconnaissance or teams on the ground guiding the weapons in,” he said. “The Germans have managed to surround Oslo with enough guards to make sneaking a team in very difficult, while reconnaissance is hampered as there are fewer obvious targets on the ground. There aren’t enough weapons to aim randomly.”
The Secretary of War coughed. “At least we are improving the number of troops conscripted into the military,” he said. “Black men are deserting in large numbers, I’m afraid, but we should be able to send you some reinforcements soon.”
“Blasted black propaganda,” someone muttered from the corner. “Don’t they know how lucky they are?”
“Reinforcements are not the problem,” Eisenhower said. “The problem is that we can only support a small number of troops at the critical points. We need, desperately, more aerial support.”
Ambassador King watched in silence as Eisenhower went through a dog and pony show on the results of the battles. He’d been relieved, along with Roosevelt, to learn that the invasion had succeeded, and that there was no chance that the Allied forces would be pushed back into the sea. Still, it had taken several days to sort out the situation on the ground, let along press the offensive towards Oslo – and the largest German force on the ground.
“At the moment, we hold all of Norway’s coastline,” Eisenhower said. He pointed at the PowerPoint display, which was displaying an interactive map. “I can confidently say that no major German force exists anywhere near the coast, although we cannot discount any stragglers from the Wehrmacht or the SS. Unfortunately, it took time to get the port working again, then we could ship in supplies and ship out the Germans to POW camps in the Shetlands.
“At the moment, General Patton has been probing towards Oslo, using infantry forces combined with British Special Forces,” Eisenhower continued. “As an aside, we have to have some of our people go through their training camp; we need more like them. Anyhow, it’s hard going for more than small groups; the road system has been wrecked by either the British airstrikes or the Germans in retreat.”
Roosevelt coughed. “Are you saying that we cannot get to them in Oslo?”
Eisenhower shook his head. “Of course we can,” he assured Roosevelt, and by extension the entire room. “It’s just going to be slower than we anticipated.” He adjusted the map. “We’re taking a two-tiered approach,” he explained. “One thrust will be mainly infantry and light tanks – very light tanks – moving overland. That thrust will subdivide; some will head directly over the mountains, others will go around the mountains. Whatever happens, we expect that we will be besieging Oslo within a week, perhaps two.
“At the same time, the Allied naval force will probe their way around the coast, eventually hammering away at the outskirts of Oslo itself,” he said, changing the map again. A big blue arrow advanced around Norway. “Although I don’t anticipate landing Marines like we did before, the Germans will have to be aware of the possibility – and they will have to take precautions against it.”
Roosevelt considered for a long moment. “What about the Soviet forces in the north?”
“So far, they haven’t moved,” Eisenhower said. “The Finns have been hitting them hard and that’s not good terrain for them.” He smiled. “Patton wants to challenge them anyway.”
“He would,” Roosevelt said. “Cordell?”
Cordell Hull, Secretary of State, spoke clearly. He didn’t often have a chance to speak on foreign policy. “We have been receiving feelers from the Swedish Government,” he said. “As you know, they are under German ‘protection’ from Stalin. If you are determined to avoid a clash with Stalin, we will have to decide on a course of action quickly.”
“Accept their feelers and move our troops into the country,” King suggested. “If we don’t make a deal with them, we will have to fight Germans moving up through Sweden.”
“That’s pretty much what Patton said,” Eisenhower injected. “Mr President, if the Swedes abandon Hitler, Stalin will walk in and take over the place.”
Roosevelt scowled. “Like Finland,” he said. Ambassador King nodded. “I suppose we could try to warn him off.” He nodded. “Cordell, see to warning Stalin that the United States would be most displeased if he did anything to violate the territorial integrity of Sweden.”
“I believe that Stalin will call our bluff,” Hull said grimly.
Roosevelt gave him a charming smile. “Who says I’m bluffing?”
“I feel almost like my old self again,” Roosevelt said cheerfully, over dinner. “I say, Ambassador; those medicines really work.”