“I thought that France would stand by me until the end …,” Muhammad Ali started to say.
“This, too, does not aid in your defense,” Ptahhotep interrupted him. “A very short-sighted policy.”
“Yet it was a tempting opportunity to renew Islam — the Islamic State rising from a rejuvenated Egypt.”
“I comprehend that completely,” enthused Akhenaten, “and I hail your ambition to reinvigorate the state of the One and Only Divinity.”
“If only you had put your genius and your dreams to the strengthening of Egypt,” lamented Khufu, “and contented yourself with that.”
“You did not believe enough in the people,” Abnum berated him. “Nor was your love for them sufficient for you to devote your real efforts to their revitalization and support. You exploited the peasants for the sake of the land and the state, when you should have set every institution at the service of the people. Yet only someone like me would think this way. However, one cannot forget in your favor that you also drove the peasants into the fields of administration, politics, the military, and science.”
“For that reason,” insisted Isis, “I consider this alien viceroy as one of my sons.”
“If this were the court that would seal your final fate,” Osiris addressed him, “it would hand you a harsh critique and a wounding rebuke — while preserving your right to a seat among the Immortals. Accordingly, we shall send a report to your Islamic trial in praise of your majestic achievements, conveying therein a recommendation on behalf of your person from Egypt and her gods.”
57
HORUS HAILED, “Ahmad Urabi!”
A tall, corpulent man of dignified mien came in and stood before the throne.
Osiris invited him to speak.
“I memorized the Qur’an as a child in my village in al-Sharqiya,” Ahmad Urabi replied, “and enrolled in the military academy at the age of fourteen. I attained the rank of Qaimqam, the first Egyptian to reach that level. The higher grades were reserved for those of Circassian origins — the Egyptians were scorned in their own country. I persuaded some of my colleagues to demand the dismissal of the minister of war, a prejudiced Circassian — and when we were arrested, the patriotic troops rose up to demand our release. I felt the people’s sense of debasement, and moved with the army to Abdin Palace to insist on the king’s abdication and the creation of a popular assembly.
“The khedive told me, ‘I inherited this country as my personal fief, and who are you but slaves of our beneficence?’ In reply I told him, ‘God created us all free, not as possessions or real estate. By the God but for whom there is no other god, we will not be passed on as inheritance nor be enslaved after this day.’
“We were victorious over the enemies of the people, and established a popular assembly and a nationalist government, when the foreign powers intervened to prevent the people from controlling their own affairs, out of fear for their interests. The khedive and some of his opportunistic followers betrayed the homeland, coming to an agreement with our English foes. Although we defended our nation with everything we had, we still were defeated. They sentenced us to exile for life, and the expropriation of our possessions.”
“But you challenged the occupant of the throne,” said Khufu, “and reproached him in ways that one does not do to kings!”
“Times change, O king, for monarchs no longer rule as the deputies of God,” Osiris told him, “but with the participation of the people.”
“Sharing power with the peasants means chaos,” rebutted Khufu.
“Rather, it’s a bold undertaking on the road to virtue,” asserted Abnum.
“The khedive and his followers were foreigners,” said Ahmad Urabi.
“The unity of Egypt was forged out of differing kinds of people,” said Menes, “who all joined together to create a nation, and who were loyal to the throne.”
“I only battled those who disdained from joining with the rest of us,” explained Ahmad Urabi, “and the proof is that my party also had members of Circassian descent.”
“Why didn’t you kill the khedive,” demanded Abnum, “and install a new royal family of commoner blood?”
“My goal was to liberate the people,” answered Urabi, “and for them to share the responsibility of rule.”
“It would have been better to kill him,” repeated Abnum. “But, in any case, you get much credit for guarding the people’s rights.”
“The situation required military leadership of exceptional genius,” said Thutmose II. “Unfortunately, you were not endowed with anything of the kind.”
“I gave everything I had,” pleaded Urabi.
“You should have fought until death alongside your troops,” scolded Ramesses II.
“And you should have eliminated all your enemies in order to throttle treason in its cradle,” added Abnum.
“You are a good-hearted man,” said Akhenaten, “whose end was the one fated for all with this virtue.”
“You launched a revolution to free the people — and gained a foreign occupation for them, instead,” concluded the Sage Ptahhotep.
“This is a son of Egypt, whose heart is full of good intentions,” said Isis. “He gave the people his limitless love and his limited ability. His foes plotted to put down his revolution — yet they could not extirpate the seed of freedom that he had planted in our good soil.”
“I consider you a light beaming in the darkness that had descended on your country,” Osiris told him. “You were punished during your lifetime and so have paid for your mistakes. Perhaps you will gain blessings in your final trial — we shall not withhold praise for the merit you have earned.”
58
HORUS CALLED OUT, “Mustafa Kamil!”
A slender, sweet-featured man came in, with head uncovered and feet unshod, and stood before the throne.
Osiris invited him to speak.
“I came to consciousness as a pupil during the British occupation. I hated it and resolved to combat it — this is what I felt when only a student. One day, His Honor the Khedive, Abbas Hilmi II, came to visit our school, and I greeted him with a passionately patriotic speech that found an echo in his own youth and nationalism. From that time onward we became close collaborators, and he provided me with encouragement and money to be rid of foreign control. I developed similar relations with the caliph and the Islamic League. As for my own aspiration, it was always for the freedom and independence of Egypt — which is why I changed my relations with Abbas Hilmi when he reached a modus vivendi with the enemy.
“Things were such that the people had given up hope, but I did not stint from awakening their national awareness, through word of mouth, the press, and public speaking. Likewise I advocated the nationalist cause abroad, until the liberals of Europe — especially in France — knew of it as well. And when the British carried out their great crime in Denshaway, I denounced their vicious deeds and decried the sentences that the puppet court had pronounced on the innocent people of that village. I shook the throne of the English despotism in Egypt until I forced their nation to reconsider it. Then I founded the Nationalist Party, the first political party formed in Egypt. Its program called for the withdrawal of foreign troops and a constitution within the dominion of the Ottoman State. I kept on waging this jihad both inside and outside the country, until I gave up the ghost while still quite young.”