Cobart stared at him. “You mean it?”
“I was never more sincere in my life,” said Bomin. “I'll further add that should ASOC's end of the agreement be broken at any time prior to the next election, we will offer no resistance to nationalization.” “Put it in writing,” said Cobart.
“Most assuredly,” said Bomin, producing a number of documents from a small titanium-alloy briefcase. “As you can see,” he said, spreading them out on a table before Cobart, “I brought with me a document for every agreement we might possibly reach. Naturally, I didn't expect you to accept halfway measures, but I was prepared just in case you were feeling philanthropic. Ah, here it is.” He pulled one of the papers out, signed it, and then signed a copy. “If you'll just put your signature and the seal of your office on these, our business will be concluded.” “You gave in awfully easily,” said Cobart, staring at the documents. “I never expected Jorg Bomin to surrender without a fight.”
“The end result was inevitable,” said Bomin. “With or without an agreement, ASOC wouldn't be able to get after you in a few days’ time. At least this way I can see to it that you don't manageall the news.” Cobart looked at the document again. “Add a clause about keeping this a secret until either party breaks it, and I'll sign it.”
“Are you planning on breaking it, Mr. Coordinator?” asked Bomin mildly. “No,'’ said Cobart. “But the dayyou do, I'm going to crucify you with this damned paper.” “And in the meantime,” said Bomin, “you'd just as soon the people didn't know that we had agreed not to tell them the truth about you. However, I have no objection to inserting a paragraph addressed to that point.” He scribbled it in, initialed it on both the original and the copy, and handed them over to Cobart, who read them, signed them, and placed the official seal of his office upon them. “I'd better not read about this, or hear about it, or see it, tomorrow morning,” snapped Cobart, returning the copy to Bomin.
“Oh, you have my assurance that you won't,” said Bomin, and left.
The next morning Bomin called another meeting of his board of directors, and brought in the heads of the various news media as well. As soon as all were assembled, he read them the agreement he and Cobart had signed.
“You've ruined us!” cried one of the directors. “What the hell got into you?” demanded another. “Quite the contrary, gentlemen,” said Bomin gently. “Last night, when he affixed his signature to this agreement, Gile Cobart signed his political obituary, although neither he nor you have figured that out yet.”
“You wouldn't want to explain yourself, would you?” asked his newstape head. “Indeed I would,” said Bomin. “That's the reason I've called this meeting. Now, to understand what has happened and what will happen, you must understand the agreement in its totality, both what it says and what it does not say. For example, we have agreed to give Cobart equal time or equal space in the media; in other words, every time we blast him, he gets a chance to hit back. We have further agreed never to blast him.”
“Isn't that contradictory?” asked the newstape head. “I hardly think so,” said Bomin. “ASOC will never again attack Cobart or his Administration, nor will Cobart ever be able to demand time or space to defend himself.” “If that means we're going to spout the government line,” said the head of the video division, “I'm tendering my resignation here and now.”
“You feel I've sold ASOC out?” asked Bomin. “I do.”
“If that's what you think,” said Bomin coldly, “then you're not bright enough to run your department and your resignation is accepted forthwith. Now, to continue: We will never again attack Cobart. Nor will we ever again praise him. In brief, from this moment forward, no section of ASOC will ever again mention his name. Whether his Administration rises in triumph or falls in ignominy, from this day until the next election, all news concerning Cobart will be noted, filed, and forgotten. I realize this will present some problems, such as the new farm bill passed for Aldebaran IX. However, the bill can and will be reported; credit for it will be omitted. No air time or tape time or newsprint will be given to Cobart or his government for any reason whatsoever. Is that understood?” “He'll scream bloody murder,” said the head of the video division.” “Young man,” said Bomin gently, “you have already been dismissed from all duties. However, I'll assume that someone else in the room may be considering that very question, and will address myself to it. Cobart cannot possibly do us any harm by objecting to our policy. For one thing, he cannot reach the people except by personal appearance, and to reach enough of them that way would preclude his being able to function as Coordinator. He cannot show them the agreement for three reasons: first, because he has given his word, in writing, not to; second, because we won't give him access to any segment of the
media; and third, because he doesn't dare let the people know the gist of our agreement. And if you want
a fourth reason, we're on sound legal ground. Nothing in the agreement prevents us from this course of action, and as we are a nongovernmental monopoly, the government cannot legally object to our editorial discretion.
“I would personally suspect that Cobart will try to get news from neighboring systems piped in, but no matter where the news originates, even if it comes directly from the Council chambers on Deluros VIII, it must reach the people through our affiliated media. And this we will firmly refuse to allow. Are there any questions? No? Then the meeting is concluded. My office will issue a set of precise directives to be channeled throughout the organization by the end of the day. As for you,” he added, pointing to the video head, “clear out of your office within a week, and pick up a year's severance pay.” He said it so mildly that anyone who didn't know him would have sworn he was joking; but Jorg Bomin never joked about ASOC.
Within three days the Cobart Administration began to sense what was happening to it. Cobart himself decided to challenge ASOC by requesting an hour of video time for a speech of vital importance to the system. His request was neither accepted nor refused, but merely ignored. All reporters from all media were shortly withdrawn from their duties at his mansion, and the weekly news summary was edited to exclude any mention of Cobart.
For seventy-eight days Cobart fought futilely against the media boycott. Then, in desperation, he set up a governmental department to publish its own newstapes and newspapers. ASOC countered through its distributional channels. They couldn't legally forbid their outlets to handle the Administration tapes and paper; but they pointed out that their ships, which delivered literally thousands of other tapes and papers each day, were in a sad state of repair, and it was possible that some deliveries might be late.... The retailers balanced the profits from selling two government publications against the loss of every other publication they handled, and reached the only financially sane decision. Cobart was denied outlets for his tapes and papers.
The Administration's next step was, through private channels, to take out advertisements in the media proclaiming support of the government. ASOC neither accepted nor refused the ads, but simply returned the payments with no explanation.
A minor attack was launched on Aldebaran X, ASOC's headquarters. ASOC appealed to the Oligarchy for assistance without ever naming the enemy, and Cobart withdrew his forces before the Navy arrived on the scene.
Finally Cobart tried to nationalize ASOC. Bomin immediately went to the Oligarchic Council, showed them the agreement, argued his case passionately and forcefully, and got the Council to rule that Cobart's action was illegal.