McVeigh replied, “Most of their military and political communication protocols are secure, although we can break some of their encryptions. I’ll get with Cyber Command and see what we can hack into.”
The president nodded his agreement, then shifted his gaze to Christine as she spoke.
“One more thing, Mr. President. I’m scheduled to head to Moscow on Monday for the next round of negotiations for the follow-on to New START.”
The president leaned back in his chair, assessing the situation before replying. “Let’s go with business as usual. Give them the impression we accepted their explanation at face value. At this point, there’s no reason to derail our negotiations with Russia over a mere… accident.”
Turning his attention to the entire group, the president said, “Put a full-court press on this. Russia’s up to something, and we need to figure out what that is.”
6
WASHINGTON, D.C. MOSCOW
Seated at his desk in the Russian embassy, Ambassador Tupolev loosened his tie as he relaxed in his leather chair, watching the minutes on the clock tick upward. It was almost 11 p.m. in Washington, D.C., which meant it was approaching 6 a.m. in Moscow. That he’d been directed to report the result of his meeting with the American president tonight, rather than in the morning when it was a more reasonable time in Moscow, was telling.
When it was only a minute before 11 p.m., Tupolev retrieved a security card from his desk drawer and slid it into the slot in the secure phone on his desk. After he entered his access code, the display on the phone reported the expected message.
Secure.
Tupolev punched the numbers into the phone. When the clock struck 11 p.m., there was a click on the other end, and a man’s digitized voice emanated from the speaker.
Russian Defense Minister Boris Chernov spoke into the telephone, selected to speakerphone so the other seven individuals in the conference room could overhear the conversation. Seated at the head of the table this morning was Russian President Yuri Kalinin, and to his right sat Semyon Gorev, director of the Foreign Intelligence Service — the successor to the First Chief Directorate of the KGB — referred to as the SVR due to its Russian spelling, Sluzhba Vneshney Razvedki.
Defense Minister Chernov was next in line, followed by Russia’s foreign minister, Andrei Lavrov. On the other side of the table sat four military officers: Kalinin’s senior military advisor — Chief of the General Staff Sergei Andropov, and the commanders of the Russian Ground Forces, Aerospace Forces, and Navy.
“Good evening, Ambassador Tupolev,” Chernov said. “I’m here with President Kalinin.” Chernov glanced at the other six men, who would not speak during the teleconference. “How did your meeting with the Americans go?”
“They were upset, understandably, but accepted our apology.” Tupolev provided the details, with Chernov exchanging glances with the other men around the table as they digested the American response. Tupolev ended with, “The American president has requested we keep them abreast of our investigation of the mishap, providing them with updates as we learn more.”
“Of course,” Chernov replied. “An investigation is already under way, and we will forward to you what we learn. We will contact you again soon.”
Chernov looked to President Kalinin, who leaned toward the phone. “Ambassador Tupolev. Thank you for your service today.”
“It was not a problem, Mr. President.”
Chernov terminated the call, his thoughts turning to this morning’s meeting. The plan they would hopefully put in motion was his, carefully crafted over the last three years. Following America’s war with China, a window of opportunity had opened where its success was virtually assured. However, the decision to proceed would be made by President Kalinin, who still had reservations. Chernov had assembled the three military chiefs and his chief of the general staff, along with the head of the SVR, in the conference room this morning with the hope of persuading the Russian president.
Yuri Kalinin was approaching the end of his third year in office, having succeeded Vladimir Putin as president of the Russian Federation. Although Kalinin had a similar background as Putin, with time spent in the KGB during the waning years of the Cold War, he was far less disposed to using military force to achieve Russia’s objectives. Had Putin still been in office, Chernov lamented, he would not have had to go through such extraordinary measures to convince the Russian president of the wisdom of his plan.
As all eyes turned to him, Chernov launched into his prepared oratory. “Our attack on the American aircraft carrier provided the proof we needed. We bloodied America’s nose and they do nothing. They have no stomach for another conflict following their war with China. What remains of their Navy is stretched too thin, and their Marine Corps is still replacing its losses. The Americans will avoid another war at any cost, even if they have to bury their heads in the sand, accepting our preposterous explanation for the attack on their aircraft carrier.”
There were nods of agreement from the military staff, but no sign from Kalinin. Chernov continued, directing his words at the Russian president. “Our plan will succeed. You’ve reviewed the military forces at NATO’s disposal compared to ours. NATO has never been weaker, while Russia has not been stronger since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. NATO is a paper tiger without the United States, and with America restrained, NATO will have neither the will nor ability to respond.
“Now is the time,” Chernov said with conviction. “The American Navy is down to four aircraft carriers and less than fifty percent of their surface warships and submarines. The window on this opportunity will close in a year when their Navy begins exiting the repair yards, quickly returning to near full strength.”
Kalinin turned to his chief of the general staff. “What is your assessment?”
General Andropov replied, “From a military standpoint, we will succeed. NATO has insufficient forces to mount an adequate response. However, I can attest only to the military aspect of NATO’s capability. There are other ways the West can respond.”
“That’s what I’m worried about,” Kalinin said. “The economic sanctions imposed could exacerbate the situation we are in, overriding the gains made by the military.”
Chernov replied quickly, “With the additional insurance we added to the plan, there will be no economic sanctions. The West will have no choice but to acquiesce to our demands.”
“Perhaps,” Kalinin said. “Predicting how the United States will respond is not as simple as you make it out to be.”
Chernov said, “It’s the right decision for Russia. It’s the right decision for you.” He didn’t need to elaborate. He’d had many discussions with Kalinin, attempting to influence his decision by capitalizing on Russia’s flagging economy and the growing unrest among the population. Unless something changed, Kalinin would be defeated soundly during the presidential election next year. Russia — and Kalinin — required a bold stroke to rectify their deteriorating situations.
“And the justification?” Kalinin asked.
“The Russian people don’t need ironclad justification,” Chernov answered. “They long for the days when Russia was a superpower, and resent the second-tier status our once great country has been relegated to since the fall of the Soviet Union. As long as there are no negative consequences to the people, they will support your use of force. Any reasonable justification will suffice.”