If the Democrats attempted to make diplomatic security a military operation, that would pose serious challenges as well. As the New York Times reported in late 2007, “the military does not have the trained personnel to take over the job.”77 Even if the military trained a specialized force for executive protection and bodyguarding in Iraq, this arrangement would mean more U.S. military convoys traveling inside Iraq, potentially placing them in deadly conflict with Iraqi civilians on a regular basis.
Realizing the practical challenges any transition away from private security forces in Iraq would entail, during the 2008 election campaign, a senior foreign policy adviser to Obama said, “I can’t rule out, I won’t rule out, private security contractors.”78 This must have been a difficult admission. While Obama has been at the forefront of attempts to legislate accountability for contractors on the battlefield—he introduced a contractor reform bill eight months before Nisour Square—his foreign policy team clearly understood that their support for maintaining a sizable U.S. presence in Iraq had painted them into a corner. On February 28, 2008, a day after I reported Obama’s position in an article in The Nation, Hillary Clinton announced she would sign on to legislation to “ban the use of Blackwater and other private mercenary firms in Iraq.”79 The timing, in the middle of their hotly contested campaign for the Democratic nomination, was curious—Clinton, during her five years on the Senate Armed Services Committee, had been largely mute on the issue before the September 16 Blackwater shooting and did not issue her statement for a full six months after the massacre. How exactly she envisioned carrying out her Iraq plan without such private forces was also unclear.
Both Clinton and Obama indicated they supported increasing funding of Diplomatic Security, as advocated by Senator Biden in 2007. In the bigger picture, however, firms like Blackwater operate in a demand-based industry, and it is this demand, which derives from offensive, unpopular wars of conquest, that must be cut off. Even if a U.S. president determined to completely transfer diplomatic security jobs from companies like Blackwater to official U.S. government agents, which would be a major undertaking, the State Department has said it could take years to implement. The reality is that short of dramatically shrinking the size of the U.S. civilian and diplomatic presence in Iraq, which necessitates such a large “diplomatic” security force, the next president may have no choice but to continue the current contracting arrangements. And that is good news for Blackwater and other private security companies.
But Iraq and diplomatic security are only part of the picture. There is almost no discussion in Congress about the stunning growth of the operations of companies like Blackwater globally and at home. Their expansion into private intelligence, homeland security, military weapons, surveillance technology, the “war on drugs,” and peacekeeping operations continues, largely free from the scrutiny of lawmakers and the media. Long ago, these companies began to stake out their role in future conflicts and a greater presence in highly sensitive and increasingly privatized government programs. It is in large part because of the lack of intense scrutiny by the media and Congress that their future appears both secure and bright.
Erik Prince certainly isn’t losing sleep these days, not over the killings of Iraqi civilians by his forces or over his company’s future status in the U.S. war machine and national security apparatus. Shortly after Nisour Square and facing a slew of Congressional, military, and Justice Department investigations over his company’s actions, Prince said, “How can I sleep? Because I’m comfortable, and I know what we’re doing. We’re doing the right thing, so beyond that, I can’t worry. I sleep the sleep of the just. I’m not feeling guilty.”80
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I AM grateful to my parents, Michael and Lisa Scahill. They provided me with an education no university could ever rival. Their quiet humility, their dedication to justice, and their love for others amazes me. I have never met more decent people. They are my heroes and my friends. Thanks to my brother Tim and sister Stephanie for their lifetime love, companionship, and support, as well as my sister-in-law Jenny and my niece Maya. Ksenija, you are my heart and my world. Barb and Harry Hoferle, thank you for always believing and always being there. Also I wish to remember my late grandparents, two of whom were Irish immigrants who lived through the terror of the Black and Tans paramilitaries. Gratitude also to my aunts, uncles, and cousins for their love through the years.
This book is very much the product of the hard work and influence of scores of people who gave their time, commitment, friendship, love, and solidarity to this project and to me and my family. I would like to thank my editor Betsy Reed, who spent countless hours editing and revising this manuscript and who has supported my reporting through thick and thin. It has been a great gift to work with her over the past few years. Without her this project would never have happened. Thanks again to Garrett Ordower for everything. Gratitude to my friend and agent Anthony Arnove, who has believed in my work since we met. Naomi Klein for her undying friendship, solidarity, and support. Thank you to Daniela Crespo for her support. My compañeros Sharif Abdel Kouddous, Ana Nogueira, Carmen Trotta, and Dave Mickenberg for being. Carl Bromley and Ruth Baldwin at Nation Books for their support, enthusiasm, and dedication from the jump—you guys were the glue. I would like to extend my deepest appreciation to the amazing team from Perseus: David Steinberger, John Sherer, Michele Jacob, Nicole Caputo, and Elena Guzman. At Avalon, Michele Martin for her faith, tenacity, and encouragement. The Avalon production team for pulling it all together: Peter Jacoby, Linda Kosarin, Jonathan Sainsbury, and Mike Walters. Also thanks to Anne Sullivan and Karen Auerbach. Mark Sorkin did an amazing job meticulously copyediting this book. Many thanks to the talented Joe Duax, who spent months combing through every sentence and footnote diligently fact-checking the manuscript.
I would like to extend un abrazo fuerte to Liliana Segura for her tireless work. She labored extensively on the original manuscript and has been central to completing the new edition. She has been a dedicated collaborator, ally, and strategist. Her love, companionship, and friendship en la lucha leave me in awe always. Mercedes Camps González from Real World Radio and Russell Cobb ably translated many articles. I would also like to extend my gratitude to Hamilton Fish, Taya Kitman, and The Nation Institute for their crucial support and encouragement. Deep gratitude to Perry Rosenstein and the Puffin Foundation for backing this project and my work. Special thanks to Katrina vanden Heuvel, Victor Navasky, and The Nation magazine for supporting and publishing my reporting. I also wish to acknowledge Alan Kaufman, Sophie Ragsdale, Kim Nauer, Mike Webb, Roane Carey, Ben Wyskida, Suzanne Ceresko, and Andres Conteris for their assistance. Thanks to Jared Rodriguez for the pic and also to journalist Tim Shorrock for the tape. I would also like to thank all of the journalists whose work is cited in this book as well as those people who gave generously of their time in interviews and research, especially Katy Helvenston-Wettengel and Danica Zovko.