“I don’t know.” Straubing shrugged. “It never seemed that important. I was only doing my job and making sure one of my men could do his. It’s not like Kennedy was anything but a Rebel diehard. I didn’t think anything more about it than I would have thought about stepping on a cockroach.”
Cincinnatus believed that; he’d had a long time to watch Straubing’s mind work. After some small pause for thought, Luther Bliss evidently decided he believed it, too. “Lieutenant, you’d have made a lot of people’s lives simpler if you didn’t play your cards so goddamn close to your chest,” he said at last. His eyes flicked to Cincinnatus. “Reckon this fellow’d tell you the same thing.”
“That’s a fact,” Cincinnatus said. “Everybody reckoned I had somethin’ to do with it. Folks kept tryin’to cipher out who I done it for. Made my life livelier than I really cared for, believe you me it did.”
“How unfortunate.” Lieutenant Straubing looked as distressed as he ever did, which wasn’t very. “I just thought of him as rubbish who wouldn’t be missed. But if that ends Chief Bliss’ business with you…”
“Ends this business, anyway.” Bliss touched a finger to the brim of his straw hat. “Obliged to you, Lieutenant. Would have been more obliged if you’d spoken up sooner, but obliged all the same.” Off he went, brisk and competent himself. Ends this business, Cincinnatus thought. That would have to do, though it was far less than he wanted.
Once inside the shed, Lieutenant Straubing wasted no time and no words: “Let’s get moving, men. We’ve got food and munitions heading down to First Army. One more thing you need to know: with the armistice holding, we’ll be laying off our civilian drivers after this run. We’re hauling less now, and we’ll be doing it with Army personnel only from now on. You civilians have done a good job, and the United States are grateful to you.”
“What are we supposed to do now?” one of those drivers, a white man, demanded before Cincinnatus could get the words out of his mouth.
“Find other work, of course,” Straubing answered. “I wish you the best of luck, but I’m not your nursemaid.”
“Some of us got killed haulin’ for you,” Cincinnatus said. “Is that all you got to say, Lieutenant-‘I ain’t your nursemaid’?”
“Their families are taken care of,” Straubing said. “If you’d been killed, your family would have been taken care of, too. Since you weren’t, you can’t expect the government to hold your hand for you now that your labor is no longer required.”
He cared about the job. When the job was done, he didn’t care any more. When the job was done, nobody cared any more. Cincinnatus wondered where he’d find work now. He whistled softly under his breath. “God damn,” he said. “Welcome to the United States.”
Secretary of State Robert Lansing had come before the Transportation Committee to discuss the integration of the railroads in lands conquered from Canada and the Confederate States into the rail network of the USA. Chairman Taft plainly feared some members’ questions might go further afield, but fearing that and being able to do much about it were two different things. “I recognize the distinguished Representative from New York,” he said with a strange sort of polite reluctance.
“Thank you, Mr. Chairman,” Flora Hamburger said. She knew she had to follow her course with care, lest she be ruled out of order. “Now, Mr. Secretary, will these railroads be brought into our network to make trade easier with the CSA and whatever is left of Canada after peace is finally established?”
“Yes, ma’am.” Lansing paused to draw on a cigarette and to run a hand through his fine head of gray hair. “That is one of the principal purposes of the integration. The other, of course, is to provide for the defense of the United States, railroads being so important to the transport of men and materiel.” He spoke with the precision of the longtime lawyer he had been.
“I see.” Flora nodded. “And against which parts of Canada does the administration see a need for future defense?”
“Those parts not annexed to the United States or to our ally, the Republic of Quebec,” Lansing answered.
“I understand as much, yes,” Flora said. “Which parts will those be?”
“We anticipate that the Republic of Quebec will have borders substantially similar to those of the former province of Quebec,” the secretary of state said.
When he said no more, Flora asked, “And the rest of Canada?”
“Areas under military occupation, we anticipate annexing,” Lansing said. “Areas not presently occupied are being negotiated with British and Canadian representatives. Whatever we do not annex will naturally fall within our economic sphere of influence, as Holland and Belgium will fall within Germany’s and Serbia and Albania within Austria-Hungary’s.”
He made fewer bones about exploitation than Flora had thought he would. She asked, “And what of the Confederate States?”
“Again, we shall annex such land as we now hold, pending adjustments to create frontiers appropriate to our needs and acceptable to the Confederate States, which may be required to exchange territory for any we yield back to them,” Lansing said. “I remind you that this land is different from that of Canada, as it was formerly part of the territory of the United States.”
“Did we not abandon our claim of sovereignty over it when we recognized the CSA?” Flora asked sharply.
“So the Confederates now say,” Lansing returned-he might look dry and dusty, but he was dangerous, tarring her with the brush of the beaten enemy. “The view of the president is that recognition of the CSA was granted under duress and maintained by coercion on the part of the Confederates and their allies.”
“The peace, then, will be as harsh as you can make it,” Flora said.
Congressman Taft looked unhappy, but the question followed logically from others Lansing had answered without hesitation. He answered this one without hesitation, too: “Yes, ma’am. The stronger the peace from our point of view, the better off we shall be and the longer our foes will need to recover from it and menace us again.”
“Wouldn’t we be better off making them our friends?” Flora asked.
“Perhaps we might be, if they showed any interest in friendship,” Lansing said. “The next such interest they do show, however, will be the first.”
Democrats up and down the committee table laughed. Some of them even snickered. The chairman rapped loudly for order. Flora felt her face flush. The question, while heartfelt, had sounded naive. “If we do annex Canada, I expect a large influx of Socialist voters,” she remarked.
“No one, as yet, is speaking of making U.S. states from Canadian provinces, so the question of voter affiliation in them is moot,” Lansing replied. “Again, this differs from our approach to territory formerly under Confederate administration.”
“Of course it does,” Flora said. “Ex-Confederates are likely to make good Democrats, since they’re reactionary to the core.”
Taft’s gavel came down again. “That is out of order, Miss Hamburger.”
“Is it out of order to suggest that the administration will make whatever peace is to its advantage, and will worry about its advantage before it worries about the people’s advantage?” Flora asked. “Perhaps the administration is out of order, and I am not.”
Bang! Bang! Bang! Taft plied the gavel with such vigor, his beefy face turned red. “We shall have no more such outbursts,” he declared.
Flora inclined her head to the committee chairman. “Never ask any questions that might be difficult or inconvenient, is what you mean, isn’t it, Mr. Chairman?” she said. “Never ask any questions where the American people really need to know the answers. Never mind the First Amendment. Is that what you mean? If it is, Teddy Roosevelt is a lot more like Kaiser Bill than he thinks, or than he wants us to think.”
A couple of other Socialist congressmen on the Transportation Committee loudly clapped their hands, and the lone Republican with them. William Howard Taft, however, turned redder stilclass="underline" almost the color of a ripe beet. “It is intolerable that you should impugn the administration and the president in this way,” he boomed.