Dixon stopped, pondering whether he wanted to say more or hold it at that. There was so much to cover, so much to say, to discuss. But time would not permit him to cover it all. There was only so much he could do. He hoped that those things he chose to do were the best and wisest, the ones that would better their chances for success and survival. Deciding that he had said enough, Dixon dismissed the company commanders and told the XO to gather up the staff. There was a plan that needed to be developed and an order to write.
On the side of the road, Colonel Hafez stood counting his vehicles as the remains of the Republican Brigade passed through the forward outpost line of the 3rd Armored Division, Egyptian 2nd Army. Next to him at the passage point were the commanders of both the 2nd Army and the 3rd Armored Division. They had both come forward to see Hafez, now the commander of the Republican Brigade, and receive his report and observations. Of ninety-four tanks that had been with the Brigade on 16 December, Hafez counted only thirty-seven returning to friendly lines that night. From the Libyan border to where they stood, the Brigade had fought the Libyans in a dozen minor fights, mauling its lead division. In their wake they had left hundreds of burning vehicles and thousands dead and dying.
As terrible as the cost had been to Hafez's Brigade, the sacrifice had not been in vain. Two complete divisions of the 2nd Army, the 3rd Armored and the 10th Mechanized, had been able to deploy and assume hasty defensive positions from El Daba to Sidi Ibeid in the south. South of Sidi Ibeid, the American air assault brigade prepared to conduct a covering force operation between Sidi Ibeid and the Qattara Depression.
While they waited, a staff officer from the 2nd Army briefed Hafez on his next mission. When he told Hafez that he would become part of the army's reserve force, Hafez protested. Not letting the staff officer continue, he went over to the commander of the 2nd Army to protest. In a tone that bordered on insubordination, Hafez said that he and his soldiers had retreated too far and been in reserve too long. He demanded that they be allowed to participate in the counteroffensive. Though surprised, the general was pleased at Hafez's fighting spirit. When he asked how soon Hafez could be ready to attack, Hafez thought for a moment before he responded: given fuel, ammunition, and some rest, twenty-four hours.
Without hesitation the 2nd Army commander turned to the commander of the 3rd Armored Division, informing him that the Republican Brigade was attached to his command under the provision that it would be the lead unit when the counteroffensive began. The commander of the 3rd Armored looked at Hafez, then at the commander of the 2nd Army. Saluting, he announced that it would be an honor to have such a unit under his command.
Though he was tired — more tired than he had ever been in his life — Hafez was satisfied. They would be able to go back, to inflict upon the Libyans a humiliating defeat that would not be forgotten and save the 1st Army. There was nothing, not even life itself, that was more important to Hafez at that moment than going back. Only when he was finished with his duty, only when he had done all that he could to right his terrible wrong, would he worry about atonement for his sins.
Colonel Nafissi watched as General Boldin, accompanied by his operations and political officers, climbed aboard their helicopter. Though he resented their meddling, the Russians were still a necessary evil. Nothing would please him more than to see the helicopter they were boarding shot down. If he had thought he could get away with it, he would have done it himself. As it was, with Russians all over, such an order would be hard to cover. Instead, he had to pray that the cursed Egyptians would do so.
In a meeting called by Boldin, Nafissi had listened politely as the Russians explained the situation as they saw it. The Soviet Union, Boldin pointed out, was willing to support the defense of Libya. The attack of the 24th Tank Corps and the 8th Division had, as Boldin pointed out, amply demonstrated that. Nafissi's operations east of Mersa Matruh, however, exceeded Libya's claim of self-defense by a wide margin. To continue east would cost them what little support they, the Soviet Union and Libya, had in the United Nations and the world community in general. Even the use of chemical weapons, stringently denied by both parties, could be ignored if a solution could be found before full commitment of American forces.
When Nafissi asked what difference the pitiful number of American forces in Africa would make, Boldin deferred to the political officer. The political officer, a colonel, answered carefully. "You must understand our position. We cannot afford even the appearance of a defeat. What we stand to lose in prestige around the world far outweighs any short-term advantages we might gain in Africa, even if we win. For years our premier has been working to build an image of trust and peace without giving up what our fathers gained with their blood and sweat. To survive and maintain our global interests, the Soviet Union needs peace and the cooperation of the West. When Russians start killing Americans, that peace and cooperation will cease."
Nafissi was confused. Interrupting, he asked about the raid on Al Fasher and the incessant naval bombardment.
"Those were small, isolated affairs," the political officer responded, carefully picking his words. "They can, through mutual agreement, be officially forgotten, if both sides so agree. A major ground battle between our units and American combat troops is another matter. We would have little choice but to respond in some way, somewhere. If that weren't possible in Africa, we would be forced to exert pressure elsewhere — Europe, or perhaps Central America. You see, what happens here could have worldwide repercussions. We, the Soviet Union, are a world power, with global responsibilities."
Without realizing it, the political officer had captured Nafissi's imagination. That was exactly what he wanted for Libya; that was exactly his goal. From the very beginning Nafissi had been looking for change, a change that would sweep the Arab world. To topple Egypt and replace her as the head of the Islamic world and the leading power in Africa was his ambition. What happened in Europe, the Soviet Union, and America was of little concern to him. If they fell into war among themselves, it did not matter to him. They were, after all, infidels, nonbelievers. Both the Russians and the Americans could be used as he saw fit. But to do so he needed time, just a little more.
Incessant delaying actions by small Egyptian units had cost the force that had invaded Egypt heavy losses, not to mention expenditure of munitions and other supplies — losses that it could ill afford. Nafissi's dream of reaching Alexandria and Cairo seemed to diminish with every kilometer they advanced and every battle they fought. The blocking of supply columns by the Soviets at Halfaya Pass threatened to stop his divisions entirely. Searching for a solution, Nafissi agreed that he would halt the eastward movement of his forces only after they reached defensible terrain. Citing the North African campaign in World War II as his defense, he claimed that he would be able to hold only after he reached a line running from Sidi Abd el Rahman to Jebel Kalakh. Only there, where the Mediterranean and the Qattara Depression restricted maneuver space, would his two divisions be able to hold until a cease-fire was arranged.