On his way back to the patrol base his team was using, Kinsly pondered whether he needed or wanted to move that night or should wait. Assuming that the Russians were smart enough not to use the same ambush site and would sweep different areas each night, Kinsly decided to wait and attempt to find out where the Russians had swept and set up their ambush sites. That way he could move his force to that area the following day. With this being the first such patrol, odds were the Russians would sweep the more likely ambush sites along the roads.
While the location of their patrol base wasn't ideal, it had the virtue of being well away from the obvious, textbook sites. Altogether there were eight Americans and eight Sudanese operating out of the base camp. The Sudanese major, unable to accompany Kinsly and his team, had insisted on sending some of his best and most loyal troops.
He and two members of Kinsly's team stayed behind and covered for the rest of the Americans by parading the rest of the Sudanese garrison in public whenever possible. It was a dangerous game both men played. The major was in violation of orders from his government to restrict the movements of the Americans while the Soviets were in country. Kinsly and his group were just as likely to run into trouble with the local Sudanese army units as with the Soviets, since the Sudanese up to this point had been providing external security.
Even the trip to Al Fasher had been a covert operation. Using the excuse of conducting training in dismounted long-range patrols, Kinsly and his American-Sudanese team had left by night on foot and headed east. Just before dawn, they had been greeted by one of the major's uncles, a bus driver. The uncle had had an old, beat-up bus and civilian clothing waiting for Kinsly and his men. Traveling like that, they had crossed the country into Darfur Province. Throughout the trip Sergeant Jackson had kept complaining of how much he hated taking the bus to work. Every time he did so, Kinsly had reminded him that the alternative to the bus was walking. With the assistance of the major's uncle, the Sudanese soldiers, and a roundabout route, the trip had been quick and uneventful. Once they had reached a point ten kilometers from the airfield, the major's uncle had dropped them off. On their own, Kinsly's men had switched back into uniforms, then went about accomplishing their mission.
The sentry at the entrance of the camp did not challenge Kinsly. They were under orders not to challenge a man if they recognized him. Walking over to a clump of trees and bushes that he and Jackson used as a command post and sleeping area, Kinsly motioned to Staff Sergeant Eddie Lee Jefferson and Specialist Floyd Huey to join him.
When the three reached the tree, Kinsly began to issue orders. "Sergeant Jefferson, the Russians are moving a company out tonight. They're probably going to sweep the area east of the airfield and set up several patrols on the trails coming down onto that road."
Jefferson took notes, betraying no surprise as Kinsly talked.
"I want you to double the guard. In addition, send two of our men and two Sudanese out to track the Russians. In the morning I want to know where the Russians patrolled and where their ambush sites had been."
Jefferson responded with a short, businesslike "Roger," then turned and went about accomplishing his tasks.
Turning to Huey, Kinsly continued, "Huey, take this message and send it to 2nd Corps." Kinsly paused until Huey had whipped out a pad and pencil from his pocket and was ready to copy. " 'Soviets commencing active patrolling outside airfield perimeter with company-sized unit this p. M. Expect Russians will establish ambush patrols. Ability to conduct successful or even meaningful raid on airfield with forces on hand not possible — repeat, not possible. Will continue to observe and report.' " Kinsly stopped until Huey finished writing. "Along with that, send the usual data on aircraft that have been added to those since yesterday, number and type of inbound and outbound flights, etc. Any questions?"
Huey shook his head no. Kinsly, just to be sure, had the radio man repeat the message. Satisfied, he told him to get it out ASAP. With nothing more to do, Kinsly plopped down next to the small hooch made from his and Jackson's camouflaged ponchos, pulled an MRE ration out of his rucksack, and began to eat. While he tore at the plastic food pouches, he considered Jackson's remark. If the Russians were serious about the patrols and ambushes, the good days were indeed over. They'd all have to start being a little more careful and a lot more vigilant.
"Can I come in, Ed?"
The unexpected question startled Ed Lewis, who had been sitting at his desk, busily banging away on the keys of his laptop computer. Turning toward the door, he saw Congressman William Banes Bateman standing there. Bateman, nicknamed Wild Bill by both friends and opponents, was the House majority whip. "Sure, let me finish up this paragraph and I'll be right with you, Bill."
While Lewis turned back to close the file on which he had been working, Bateman walked over to a sofa facing him. Taking a seat in the comer of the sofa, Bateman leaned back, crossed his legs, and studied the young congressman as he worked on his computer. Like many freshman congressmen, Lewis had come to Washington wanting to change the world. Unlike many, his party loyalties were a matter of convenience; he had joined the party simply to get elected. His popularity with the people of his district and the attention the media showered on him made getting elected simple. That was good for the party. But it was also dangerous, because it gave Lewis a sense of invulnerability and independence; he believed that his future rested in the hands of the electorate and not of the party. On more than one occasion he had embarrassed party leaders by not only voting against them but publicly siding with the opposition. Bateman would just as soon be without the seat than have it filled by a mustang.
"You know, Ed, I never could get the hang of those things."
Without looking up, Lewis responded, all the while wondering why Bateman was there. "Neither can I. It's actually a crime what I do with these things. Except for the word processor and a few select entertainment disks, I hardly touch its potential."
"Don't you mean games, Ed?"
Finished, Lewis spun in his swivel seat to face Bateman. "I prefer to think of my computer games as a method of relaxation. Now, I doubt if you are here taking a poll on which party members in the House use PCs and which ones don't."
Bateman flashed a friendly smile that reminded Lewis of a barracuda. "Ed, Frank asked me to speak to you about the resolution you intend to introduce this afternoon and see if there is any way we can convince you to at least delay it for, say, two or three days."
The resolution Bateman was talking about, co-sponsored by Lewis in the House and Senator Patricia Stowell in the Senate, called for the immediate withdrawal of all U.S. ground and air units from Egypt. Like everyone in Congress, Lewis had a great deal of concern over the war in the Middle East. What to do about it was the question. Some, including Lewis, while expressing a sincere desire for a quick and just end to the war, wanted to ensure that whatever the final outcome, U.S. forces didn't become involved. All hope of effective U. N. intervention was scuttled by the inability of the Security Council to act. Resolutions in that body favorable to the Libyans were vetoed by the American representative on the Security Council, while resolutions favorable to Egypt were vetoed by the Soviet representative. Seeing no hope there, Lewis had decided to do whatever was in his power to prevent the President, or anyone else, from drawing Americans into another confrontation with the Soviets.
In a joint press conference the previous afternoon, Lewis and Stowell had announced their intention to submit to both houses of Congress a resolution that would require the immediate and unilateral withdrawal of American forces from Egypt. Overnight a storm of controversy erupted. Not only was the measure itself critical of the policy that put those forces in Egypt, its wording and timing were controversial, opening it to sharp criticism from both parties. Drafted by Lewis, it condemned Egypt as an aggressor, and accused Egyptians of staging the naval battle of 8 December. Though the resolution was intended to be bipartisan, the other party rapidly closed ranks behind the President, lashing out at Lewis, Stowell, and their party. By midmorning, the purpose of the resolution had been lost as both parties prepared for a hot and heavy debate. In order to avoid a major and potentially bloody fight on the floor of Congress, a last-minute behind-the-door effort by the leadership of Lewis's party to muzzle Lewis or scuttle the resolution was under way. If they could delay the proceedings and adjourn for the Christmas holidays, the crisis would resolve itself before anyone had to commit himself to any single course of action.