“That’s the same argument that drove Imperial Japan and Nazi Germany to start World War Two,” objected the Defense Minister. “Think of how dependent pre-war Japan and Germany were on foreign oil and ore. The Japanese went to war to capture Indonesian oil. The Germans went to war to capture Russian oil and to secure Swedish iron ore via Norway.”
“Yes, and look what happened to them,” added Vice Premier Su. “They were both defeated by America. It took their economies more than 20 years to recover.”
Admiral Hai could barely contain his contempt for this line of reasoning, “The U.S. and Russia defeated the Axis powers. Russia is on our side now. We could practically buy Russia tomorrow — we already own half their politicians. Besides, Japan only moved to capture Indonesian oil fields after America instituted an oil embargo on Japan. The Japanese reacted to an American initiative. What would happen to us if we allowed the Americans to seize the initiative and cut off our oil?”
Defense Minister Han snorted, “This is madness! You’re proposing war with America. We’re not ready yet, I tell you!” Han glared at the room. His gaze assiduously avoided Chairman Han and Premier Wang.
There was a brief silence as the group absorbed this. “No one is proposing going to war against the U.S.,” Premier Wang said finally. “We are merely discussing Fu Zemin’s proposal to recover our own sovereign territory, the renegade province of Taiwan.”
Hearing his name mentioned by the Premier, Fu jumped back into the conversation.
“The time to act is now,” he said, eyes flashing with confidence. “The United States is beginning to wake up to the ‘China threat’, even though our diplomatic establishment ridicules the idea every time it is aired. Our military buildup is too massive to hide from U.S. spy satellites much longer. The next American President will remedy the deficiencies of the present one. Look at the Reagan military build-up following the Carter years. The next President will think about reinforcing the Pacific. We must preempt that. We can then offer peace to the new American President from a position of strength. He will be glad to accept peace in exchange for our hegemony over Asia.”
The Vice Chairman of the Military Affairs Commission nodded vigorously. “We at the Military Affairs Commission are particularly concerned about America’s successful anti-ballistic missile tests. There is already talk of putting up defensive shields over Japan, Korea, and Taiwan. How much leverage will our missiles give us over the reactionaries then? If we wait too long we may fritter away our advantages.”
“And don’t forget about the growing militarism in Japan,” interjected General Lu Zhandui, commander of the PLA army forces. “The dwarf bandits have never apologized to us for their atrocities in World War II. They’ve started flying that son-of-a-turtle’s-egg rising sun flag again, that hated symbol of Japanese imperialism. Mark my words, the day will come when Japan arms itself with nuclear weapons, and with 400 tons of plutonium on hand from their civilian nuclear industry they could build a lot of bombs.”
At this, Admiral Hai spoke up again. “Worse yet, Japan’s new defense treaty with the U.S. invites the U.S. Navy to patrol our shores.”
“China is vulnerable to a hostile power possessing a more powerful navy,” Defense Minister Han cautioned. “What if the U.S. Navy blockades China in retaliation for invading Taiwan?”
Admiral Hai’s voice cut through the air. “Give me Taiwan and the South China Sea and I will guarantee the safety of Chinese shipping down to Indonesia. Our new destroyers and cruisers are the equal of America’s in almost every way.”
“They should be,” Vice Chairman Li said in mock whisper. “We stole the plans.”
Admiral Hai permitted himself a brief smile at Li’s remark before continuing, “The keels of many more warships are being laid as we speak. We already have the third largest merchant marine fleet in the world. The addition of Taiwan’s fleet will put us in second place. Meanwhile, the U.S. Navy continues to shrink.”
“You speak bravely, Admiral Hai, but may I be permitted to inquire, how well can an unarmed keel fight?” the Defense Minister fixed his gaze on his jingoistic admiral.
“Even so,” Premier Wang asserted, “An American blockade would be an act of war against China. Do any of you really think that America, under its current President, would dare to attack China? Unlike Iraq or Yugoslavia, we can hit back. America is brave when it can bully. Their bravery will turn to prudence against China.”
The meeting broke up into small groups, some arguing in favor of, others against, Fu’s proposal. Fu noted with some concern that Chairman Han did not express an opinion either way. He did his best. He advocated action and tried to break the more than half-century impasse with the Nationalists on Taiwan. His proposal and with it, his career, were now in the hands of the leadership. Fu found himself staring at the cold majesty of the dragon.
The meetings in the Dragon Room continued the second day, but the moon doors had been closed to Fu and the other aides. These sessions were for principals only. Fu spent his day on a nearby terrace, discussing with the aides who had gathered there the details of his plan. He was somewhat reassured by their reaction. Most approved of his plan and believed that the leaders would adopt it. But would they?
It was the morning of the third day. Fu was back in his seat alongside the other aides in the Dragon Room, eager to learn the outcome of the closed deliberations of the previous day. Chairman Han politely called the meeting to order.
“Our country’s history is one of national greatness,” he began quietly. “For most of our 5,000 years the Chinese Empire was second to none. It had the greatest land area, the largest population, the most productive economy, the most powerful army, and the most advanced technology of any power on earth. The West likes to brag about the Roman Empire, but our Han dynasty two millennia ago was twice as large, three times as populous, and had four times as many men under arms. And where are the Romans today? Gone. Swept away by history. Yet China lives on. Europe is broken up into petty states. What is ‘great’ about the country that calls itself Great Britain? It is smaller in size and population than many of our provinces. Calling it ‘Little Britain’ would be more appropriate.” A wave of laughter went through the room. Chairman Han smiled. He continued, “Germany? The Third Reich was their last attempt at greatness. Hitler said it would last 1,000 years — it lasted less than 20 and at its greatest extent, it barely equaled for about one year our current landmass. France? A mere shadow of its former greatness.”
Chairman Han has a nice smile, but he has iron teeth, Fu thought. Many Big Noses in the West continued to underestimate this man. They called him a transitional figure, until he outlasted their own leaders. They questioned his political astuteness, without realizing that he had survived political struggles far fiercer than their own. They were disarmed by his kindly demeanor, his horn-rimmed glasses that gave him an avuncular look, without realizing the iron will and ruthlessness that lay within. Few Chinese made the same mistake.
“Only 200 years ago, China dominated half the world. Half the world!” Han repeated, stretching out his arms for emphasis. “The Great Emperor Qian Long held sway over a vast territory. It stretched from the Russian Far East west across southern Siberia to Lake Baikal and into contemporary Kazakhstan. It reached southeastward along the Himalayas to the Indian Ocean, and then eastward across Laos and northern Vietnam. Tribute came from Korea, Tibet, Nepal, Burma, Thailand, and Indochina. Japan did not dare to offend us. We were universally admired for our culture. We were everywhere feared for our military might. We enjoyed hegemony.