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Cyberspace, by contrast, is not just about making life easier. It is about making life different, or perhaps better. It is about making a different (or second) life. It evokes, or calls to life, ways of interacting that were not possible before. I don’t mean that the interaction is new — we’ve always had communities; these communities have always produced something close to what I will describe cyberspace to have produced. But these cyberspace communities create a difference in degree that has matured into a difference in kind. There is something unique about the interactions in these spaces, and something especially unique about how they are regulated.

Life in cyberspace is regulated primarily through the code of cyberspace. Not regulated in the sense of Part I — my point is not that the code makes it easy to know who did what so that penalties can be visited upon those who behaved badly. Regulated in the sense that bars on a prison regulate the movement of a prisoner, or regulated in the sense that stairs regulate the access of the disabled. Code is a regulator in cyberspace because it defines the terms upon which cyberspace is offered. And those who set those terms increasingly recognize the code as a means to achieving the behaviors that benefit them best.

And so too with the Internet. Code on the Internet is also a regulator, and people live life on the Internet subject to that regulation. But my strategy in this chapter is to begin with the more obscure as a way to build recognition about the familiar. Once you see the technique applied to worlds you are unlikely to inhabit, you will recognize the technique applied to the world you inhabit all the time.

Cyberspace is not one place. It is many places. And the character of these many places differ in ways that are fundamental. These differences come in part from differences in the people who populate these places, but demographics alone don’t explain the variance. Something more is going on.

Here is a test. Read the following passage, and ask yourself whether the description rings true for you:

I believe virtual communities promise to restore to Americans at the end of the twentieth century what many of us feel was lost in the decades at the beginning of the century — a stable sense of community, of place. Ask those who’ve been members of such a virtual community, and they’ll tell you that what happens there is more than an exchange of electronic impulses in the wires. It’s not just virtual barn raising. . . . It’s also the comfort from others that a man like Phil Catalfo of the WELL can experience when he’s up late at night caring for a child suffering from leukemia, and he logs on to the WELL and pours out his anguish and fears. People really do care for each other and fall in love over the Net, just as they do in geographic communities. And that “virtual” connectedness is a real sign of hope in a nation that’s increasingly anxious about the fragmentation of public life and the polarization of interest groups and the alienation of urban existence.[1]

There are two sorts of reactions to talk like this. To those who have been in “cyberspace” for some time, such talk is extremely familiar. These people have been on different kinds of “nets” from the start. They moved to the Internet from more isolated communities — from a local BBS (bulletin board service), or, as Mike Godwin (the author of the passage) puts it, from a “tony” address like The WELL. For them the Net is a space for conversation, connections, and exchange — a wildly promising location for making life in real space different.

But if you are a recent immigrant to this “space” (the old-timers call you “newbies”), or if all you do on the Internet is check your stocks or look up movie times, you are likely to be impatient with talk like this. When people talk about “community”, about special ways to connect, or about the amazing power of this space to alter lives, you are likely to ask, “What is this idea of cyberspace as a place?” For newbies, those who have simply e-mailed or surfed the Web, the “community” of the Net is an odd sort of mysticism. How can anyone think of these pages full of advertisements and spinning icons as a community, or even as a space? To the sober newbie, this just sounds like hype high on java.[2]

Newbies are the silent majority of today’s Net.[3] However much one romanticizes the old days when the Net was a place for conversation and exchange, this is not its function for most of its users now. There are exploding communities of bloggers and creativity. But bloggers are still just 3 percent of Internet users; the vast majority of Internet use has no connection to any ideal of community.

Cyberspace has changed in its feel.[4] How it looks, what you can do there, how you are connected there — all this has changed. Why it has changed is a complicated question — a complete answer to which I can’t provide. Cyberspace has changed in part because the people — who they are, what their interests are — have changed, and in part because the capabilities provided by the space have changed.

But part of the change has to do with the space itself. Communities, exchange, and conversation all flourish in a certain type of space; they are extinguished in a different type of space.[5] My hope is to illuminate the differences between these two environments.

The next sections describe different cyber-places. The aim is to build intuitions about how to think through the differences that we observe. These intuitions, in turn, will help us see something about where cyberspace is moving.

The Values of a Space

Spaces have values.[6] They manifest these values through the practices or lives that they enable or disable. As Mark Stefik puts it:

Barriers within cyberspace — separate chat rooms, intranet gateways, digital envelopes, and other systems to limit access — resemble the effects of national borders, physical boundaries, and distance. Programming determines which people can access which digital objects and which digital objects can interact with other digital objects. How such programming regulates human interactions — and thus modulates change — depends on the choices made.[7]

Choices mean that differently constituted spaces enable and disable differently. This is the first idea to make plain. Here is an example.

At the start of the Internet, communication was through text. Media such as USENET newsgroups, Internet Relay Chat, and e-mail all confined exchange to text — to words on a screen, typed by a person (or so one thought).

The reason for this limitation is fairly obvious: The bandwidth of early Net life was very thin. In an environment where most users connected at 1,200 baud, if they were lucky, graphics and streaming video would have taken an unbearably long time to download, if they downloaded at all. What was needed was an efficient mode of communication — and text is one of the most efficient.[8]

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1.

Mike Godwin, Cyber Rights: Defending Free Speech in the Digital Age (New York: Times Books, 1998), 15. See also Esther Dyson, Release 2.0: A Design for Living in the Digital Age (New York: Broadway Books, 1997), who asserts: "Used right, the Internet can be a powerful enabling technology fostering the development of communities because it supports the very thing that creates a community — human interaction" (32); see also Stephen Doheny-Farina, The Wired Neighborhood (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996), 121–37. For an important collection examining community in cyberspace, see Marc A. Smith and Peter Kollock, Communities in Cyberspace (New York: Routledge, 1999). The collection ranges across the social issues of community, including "social order and control," "collective action," "community structure and dynamics," and "identity." The same relationship between architecture and norms assumed in this chapter guides much of the analysis in Smith and Kollock's collection.

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2.

As I explored in Code v1, the newest "communitarian" on the Net might be business. A number of influential works have argued that the key to success with online businesses is the development of "virtual communities"; see, for example, Larry Downes and Chunka Mui, Unleashing the Killer App: Digital Strategies for Market Dominance (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1998), 101–9; John Hagel and Arthur G. Armstrong, Net Gain: Expanding Markets Through Virtual Communities (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1997). The explosion of essentially community based entities, such as Wikipedia and MySpace, in the time since confirms the insight of these authors.

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3.

For a detailed study of Internet demographics, see E-Consultancy, Internet Statistics Compendium, April 12, 2006, available at http://www.e-consultancy.com/publications/internet-stats-compendium/ . (cached: http://www.webcitation.org/5IwtDjaMW).

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4.

For a great sense of how it was, see the articles by Rheingold, Barlow, Bruckman, and Ramo in part 4 of Richard Holeton, Composing Cyberspace: Identity, Community, and Knowledge in the Electronic Age (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1998). Howard Rheingold's book (the first chapter of which is excerpted in Holeton's book) is also an early classic; see The Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1993). Stacy Horn's book is a brilliant text taken more directly from the interchange (and more) online; see Cyberville: Clicks, Culture, and the Creation of an Online Town (New York: Warner Books, 1998).

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5.

For an excellent description, see Jonathan Zittrain, "The Rise and Fall of Sysopdom," Harvard Journal of Law and Technology 10 (1997): 495.

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6.

As Steven Johnson puts it: "In theory, these are examples of architecture and urban planning, but in practice they are bound up in broader issues: each design decision echoes and amplifies a set of values, an assumption about the larger society that frames it"; Interface Culture: How New Technology Transforms the Way We Create and Communicate (San Francisco: Harper, 1997), 44. See also Nelson Goodman, "How Buildings Mean," in Reconceptions in Phi- losophy and Other Arts and Sciences, edited by Nelson Goodman and Catherine Z. Elgin (London: Routledge, 1988), 31–48. The same insight applies to things as well as spaces. See Langdon Winner, "Do Artifacts Have Politics?," in The Whale and the Reactor: A Search for Limits in an Age of High Technology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 19–39. To say a space or thing has values, however, does not say it determines any particular result. Influences and agency are many.

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7.

Mark Stefik, The Internet Edge, 14–15.

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8.

Cf. Godwin, Cyber Rights: Defending Free Speech in the Digital Age (New York: Times Books, 1998): ("If you're face-to-face with someone, you're exposed to countless things over which the other person may have had no conscious control — hair color, say, or facial expressions. But when you're reading someone's posted ASCII message, everything you see is a product of that person's mind") 42; see also ibid., 44.