Javier Salazar (Immigrant Worker)
Salazar earned his citizenship after enlisting in the United States Air Force as a drone maintenance crewman, but many of his family members had their processes cancelled by the Marlowe administration.
I was furious. People were counting on citizenship. They’d just followed the law, even if they hadn’t in actually coming here.
But that wasn’t the only thing. I could never understand these conservatives. They seem to hate the government and want people left out on their own. That’s something I don’t believe in. I work hard, my family works hard, and we contribute. We aren’t lazy, but sometimes we need help and that help isn’t there from the government anymore. We used to have healthcare through the government and now I have to go find my own. I won’t ever vote for one of them.
Jack Archer (Democratic Strategist)
The retired Democratic strategist smiles.
We own the Latino immigrant vote forever. I mean, they never had a chance at it in the first place. Even John McCain—remember him? His daughter has that awful talk show—anyway, he only got like 30 percent of the Hispanic vote and he was a liberal on the immigration issue. Boy, they sure took a bad situation and made it worse. Thanks, conservatives!
Ngo “Nate” Swazile (Immigrant Entrepreneur)
The legal Nigerian immigrant owns 20 cabs in New York City, something made possible by the deregulation of the industry over the last decade.
I will always be Republican. Always. Some say Republicans hate immigrants, but this is not so. They do not care. They leave us alone to make our own way. I do not need help and I do not need regulations that hurt my business. I just want to run my business.
I employ many people. They come from everywhere, and I tell them, “Today you drive a cab, but Allah willing someday you will have your own cabs if you work hard.” I tell them, “You must vote for the Republican at all times because the Republican will leave you alone to work and the Democrat will not. The Democrat will take your money and give you nothing back.”
Yitzhak Weitzman (Israeli Immigrant)
I met up with the noted novelist in a New York café, not far from his home in Manhattan. He was in downtown Tel Aviv on November 30, 2020, about two miles from ground zero. The left side of his face, the side facing the blast, still looks noticeably different. Blast burns are common in survivors—Weitzman calls them “the new camp tattoos.” They are a mark of resilience in the survivors and a mark of shame for those who allowed the atrocity to occur.
After aiding in the rebuilding, Weitzman left Israel for the United States at age 33. He won several awards for The Flash in the Sky, his novel about the attack. Like many American Jews, both new and old, he found himself surprised to be drawn to the constitutional conservatives.
I was a socialist, for all intents and purposes. And I felt that we Israelis were largely in the wrong. I was very active in the peace movement there, very active. When Obama essentially allowed the Iranians to get the bomb, I thought it would pressure Israel to make concessions for peace. In retrospect it is hard to understand, but the things the Iranians said about burning the Jews off the face of the Earth and such didn’t resonate. I chose not to believe them, as did Hillary Clinton obviously.
I was going to get breakfast when the bomb went off. The air raid siren went off and I looked up, more puzzled than frightened – when was the last time an enemy plane or even one of Hezbollah’s primitive rockets had broken through our air defenses? It did not occur to me – or, tragically, to the Mossad – that a pair of Russian officers would sell an advanced cruise missile to the mullahs.
There was a bright flash and then heat on my face. People ran and screamed. I looked off to the south. It exploded in the air on the outskirts of the city instead of over the government center where it was aimed—only the Iranians could miss a city with an A-bomb—and the fireball was rising.
I was stunned. I just stared and watched. I am lucky not to be blind. But what was even more shocking than the blast itself was what it did to me inside. In that blast, everything I had believed changed. I realized I had been a fool.
I was a peacenik one moment and then in the next I wanted bloody vengeance. I just assumed that the IDF [Israel Defense Forces] would retaliate with its own A-bombs. But Clinton demanded we not do so and actually set the US Air Force against us. American stealth fighters shot down the planes carrying the retaliation strike to Teheran while they were over Saudi Arabia.
Clinton promised to make the Iranians pay, but even as our city burned and we were burying 30,000 of our people (ironically, many Arab-Israelis, since it detonated over the predominately Arab Jaffa section of town), we watched the news showing the Iranians laughing and singing, celebrating in their streets. Untouched, unpunished.
Clinton promised to make them pay. She would land American forces and take their vital facilities on the Persian Gulf coast and then, somehow the Iranian people would throw off the mullahs and all would be well. It was magical thinking, and for me it was especially painful because it was the kind of magical thinking I had indulged in my whole life up to that time.
There was no revolution, of course. The mullahs were not about to let that happen. Clinton had hollowed out your military to such an extent that it would have been difficult to sustain the operation even if she had not placed politically connected incompetents in command instead of warriors who would tell her hard truths. What credibility America had not already lost when it acted to stop Israel’s retaliation was gone as the invasion force retreated or surrendered.
I came to America near the middle of Clinton’s second term, in 2022, and I was surprised to find it a sadder, weaker nation than Israel. In Israel, the attack had brought us together, and in some ways made us stronger as a nation. But I found that Clinton’s America—which was supposed to be vibrant and rich and powerful and free—was none of those things. The economy was stagnant. There was no hope, just droning liberal propaganda about how the hard times and the government’s mistakes were the fault of others—of anyone but the liberals in power.
I expected a free exchange of ideas, but people warned me not to speak publicly about the failings of the Clinton administration. “You’ll get the IRS on you,” they said. “They’ll deport you. Keep quiet. Don’t make trouble.” This, in America!
I was never quiet when I was on the left and now, on the right, I was just as loud. I submitted an article to the New York Post, which printed it, to its great credit, even though it ran afoul of the noxious “Fairness Law” the liberals used to stifle dissent. It was called “Liberalism’s Betrayal of the Jews,” and it got a lot of attention. Unfortunately, I got a lot of attention too—they started trying to deport me, and I was fighting that in the courts until President Marlowe ended all the retaliatory administrative actions once she was inaugurated.
I argued that, as Jews, the constitutional conservatives were the only force in American politics we could put our trust in. The liberals, we had learned to our great sorrow, had no principles except the pursuit of power. If we Jews became inconvenient, we would be discarded—and we had been discarded.
But the constitutional conservatives believed in freedom and justice and not merely power—in fact, what I liked most about them was that so few seemed to want power. They seemed vaguely annoyed that the liberals had forced them to take time away from other endeavors to retake their country. And many of them were either Orthodox Jews or evangelical Christians—despite the leftist lies I had learned about these Gentiles as a young man, these religious Christians were our people’s greatest friends on Earth.