“The House proposed the construction of six new large missile destroyers to replace the CG-106 Fargo class conversions, the Senate transferred that funding to research and development pending the completion of a new air warfare system for those ships. The Senate version was agreed since the air defense system is insufficiently mature for deployment at this time. Finally, the House called for the construction of six nuclear-powered attack submarines, the Senate for four. Conference compromised on the construction of eight SSNs but mandated the removal of Nautilus and Seawolf from front-line service.
“Moving on to the Army, the House presented the Secretary of Defense demand for the reorganization of the six Pentomic Divisions to a new standard, the Re-Organized Army Division. This would effectively convert them into heavy armor divisions. The House also presented the Secretary of Defense’s proposal to bring the two reserve Pentomic Divisions to active status and to form six new ROAD divisions using manpower from the Army portions of NORAD. This would provide an Army force structure of fourteen active divisions. Conference evaluated these proposals and rejected them.
“In its place, Conference accepted a Senate proposal that will see continued production of the M60A3 for the National Guard and the formation of four new National Guard brigades, one armor, one artillery, two mechanized infantry. Conference notes that the National Guard is actually over-subscribed with applicants at this time. Conference does not fund any substantive changes to the Regular or Reserve Army.
“In the Air Force, Congress presented the Secretary of Defense’s demand that funding for the B-70, F-108 and F-1 12 be terminated and the resources directed into Army and ballistic missile procurement. Conference soundly rejected this proposal and has authorized production of 96 F-108s, 90 F-1 12 and 100 B-70A aircraft, the last subject to successful testing of the YB-70 pre-production aircraft.
“In addition, the Budget Conference supported continuing development of the XB-74 Dominator for a planned entry to service in FY70. A House proposal for a 50 percent reduction in the interceptor and missile units forming NORAD was rejected by Conference as was a proposal to restart ballistic missile development. In Tactical Aviation, the proposal to terminate further F-105 procurement and transfer funding to the F-1 10 was agreed. Finally, funding for the first batch of RB-58F aircraft was included as proposed by both House and Senate. However, the senate also added funds for the remanufacture of RB-58C and RB-58D aircraft to RB-58F standard and this was approved by Conference.
“Mr President, Conference presents the FY66/67 budget for your signature.”
President Johnson signed the document. “If there are no further...”
“A point of order Mister President.” Secretary of Defense McNorman was standing. “Under the terms of the 1958 Department of Defense Enabling Act, the Secretary of Defense may refuse to release appropriated funds and reallocate them if a national emergency so demands. It is my judgment that the weakness of our army and our lack of missile development constitutes a grave national emergency and I am therefore refusing to release the funds appropriated for the F-108, F-112, B-70 and B-74 programs and re-allocating the money to the planned reorganization and enlargement of the United States Army.”
McNorman sat down with a conceited grin on his face. President Johnson shot a furious look in his direction, this was the sort of thing Presidents pulled on their Secretaries, not the other way around. Then he turned to his National Security Advisor. “Can he do that?”
“In a manner of speaking, Mister President. The power to which the Secretary of Defense referred does exist. It was included in the act as a safety provision in case a grave national emergency required a very sudden change in our defense posture. It was never intended as a means by which the Secretary could circumvent the standard budget process. However, fortunately, the possibility that it may be misused was foreseen and a safety catch was installed.”
The Seer leaned forward and pressed a button on the intercom. “Lillith, honey, will you bring in Volume Seven of our contract with the United States Government? Marked to Article 666, sub-section four.”
Lillith came into the room, the volume open in her hands. Taking it, the Seer surreptitiously ran a finger to check the ink was dry, a gesture that got him Lillith’s best “what do you take me for, an amateur?’1 look.
“Mister President, this section of our contract with the US Government provides that when a disagreement over funding between Conference and the Secretary of Defense causes the latter to withhold funding allocated by the former, the dispute shall be referred to the Contractors, that’s us, for arbitration and resolution.
“As the representative of the contractors, 1 must say that I feel bound to support the elected representatives of the people over an appointed official,” Lillith started making little choking noises at that, “and advise that you, as President, over-rule Secretary McNorman’s opinions. The Conference appropriations and allocations should be allowed to stand. The final decision is, of course, yours sir.”
Johnson relaxed slightly. “I agree. Thank you Seer. Secretary McNorman, your initiative is overruled, the Conference Report funding allocation stands. You will execute them according to the provisions made by Conference. This meeting is adjourned. Seer, if 1 may speak with you for a moment?”
“Mister President. I must pro...”
“I said this meeting is adjourned, Robert. Now.”
After the room emptied, Johnson looked at his notes. “Seer, does Article 666 sub-section four really contain that provision?”
“It’ll be there when Secretary McNorman looks for it, sir.”
Johnson nodded. “The goddamn bastard though he could railroad me. Ramsey Chalk put him up to it. That legalism has the Attorney General’s smell all over it. You know he told me we were all war criminals for what we did to Nazi Germany? Tried to tell me there was no difference between us and them. Even said our bomber crews and everybody involved should be hauled before a war crimes court. You know his latest idea? Some assembly of all the nations where international disputes can be referred for solution. One nation, one vote. Majority rules. Calls it The United Nations. Where’d you put a thing like that Seer?”
“Ground Zero, Mister President?”
Johnson snorted with laughter. “That’ll do. I run this country, I make the decisions and there’s no way I’m going to turn that over to a bunch of deadbeat jawboners. You know what really gets me? That proposal Robert tried to force through, it would kill our aviation industry dead. Texas lives on its aviation industry, I’m not going down in history as the President who pauperized his own state. That scheme of his would destroy me. He did have one point though; our regular army is terribly weak.”
“Deliberately so sir. America has a long history of intolerance for the maintenance of a large standing army. Navies are a different matter, they don’t live on home soil and Air Forces are seen as a version of the Navy. We have a small standing army its true, but we do have a large and powerful reserve we can mobilize if we need it. All history teaches us that countries that have large standing armies get tempted to use them. Eventually they start getting used for things that are not in the national interest. They get committed to actions that are far from any areas than are of primary national concern. Eventually, the nation gets tired of taking casualties and we end up unable to sustain force commitments when they are a vital national interest.
“That’s why our national policy is not to fight our enemies but to destroy them. If an issue is important enough for us to get involved, its important enough to destroy our enemy. If it isn’t that important, we shouldn’t be involved. That’s a primary reason why our strategic forces are based around bombers, not missiles. We can send our bombers out, our enemy can see we mean business and, assuming he sees sense, we can call them back. Once missiles are launched it’s all over, they can’t be called back or their attacks aborted. Depending on missiles is a suicide pact. It’s like two cowboys fighting a duel on main street at high noon - at one pace range and armed with sawn-off-shotguns.