‘So what’s his plan?’
‘He’s going to send our forces to certain death in a pointless and doomed exhibition of defence,’ said General Stephens.
‘Jesus, what are you going to do?’ asked Dempsey.
‘Get me Fletch, Colonel Main and Connor Adams. I want to see them at my house tonight. They need to be briefed on what’s happening.’
‘Right away, sir.’
At that same moment in Beijing, Chairman Yun was on the Virtucon to Ambassador Xian.
‘Yes, Mr Chairman, my family is safely out of the country and, of course, I will stay and do my duty. It is the Chinese-Australians that I am concerned for right now. They are likely to be targeted by racist groups within Australia.’
‘Yes, I know. It is regrettable, but there is little we can do for them. They are, after all, not our citizens. We must rely on Australian law enforcement to protect them,’ replied Chairman Yun.
‘Sir, the Australian law enforcers are the ones Chinese-Australians should fear the most. Corruption and violence in the state police services is rampant.’
‘Regardless, they are not our concern. And anyway, any brutality on the part of Australian authorities will only reinforce our stance that China has no intention to cause harm to any civilians.’
‘Yes, Mr Chairman.’
‘And how has Hudson taken the news of our plan?’
‘He has reacted exactly as we expected, Mr Chairman. He is utterly unprepared for this. In all likelihood, he will try to pit his army against ours in a reactive show of might. He will lose. He is not a concern.’
‘Good. These next three weeks will be the toughest of your career, Xian, but you will be rewarded greatly for your service,’ said Chairman Yun.
‘Thank you, Mr Chairman. To serve is enough,’ replied Xian.
After the holographic image of Xian disappeared, Chairman Yun turned to his war cabinet, seated around a large oval table.
‘This morning, Australia woke to a new dawn, the dawn of the tiger. Our ascension to primacy of the Pacific region is nearly complete. The future of our great nation is secured and our people will prosper for the next hundred years. This is a truly great day in our long history.’
With that, he ordered them to leave the room. He was overcome with a feeling of exhausted triumph and wanted to be alone. If he were ever to feel his 72 years, it would be on a day like this. The stress of the last two years had worn him deep to the bone. He had presided over China for 10 long years and he knew he did not have the energy to continue for much longer.
Wrestling the top button on his shirt loose, he let out an audible sigh, slumping back in his chair. The invasion of Australia had been in planning for over two years. When the Australian people elected James Hudson, a man who knew nothing of the military realities of the world, it was a stroke of unbelievable luck. The carefully orchestrated tensions between India and China had all been part of the ruse to keep Australia at ease, unsuspecting of any threat. The building of enormous troop carriers had been carried out 10 years ago when China was ready to go to war with Korea over manufacturing and production infrastructure. The war had been averted when the Korean Government capitulated to China’s demands, enabling Chinese corporations to create enormous factories in Korea, using cheap local labour. After decades of Chinese people being exploited for cheap labour, China was now exploiting others.
While the world looked on as China antagonised India and threatened invasion, China was creating a massive army and navy force that would set out from China under the guise of an Indian invasion. The reality was that India and China were working together. India, under the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, was finding it difficult to secure uranium for its defences and energy program. They were happy to play along with China and create a guise of fictional tension. China was happy to agree to generous terms of sale for uranium once they had control of the mining industry. The ruse worked. By the time Australia realised what was happening, it was too late.
The Chinese military strategists had planned for almost every conceivable response to the invasion. They knew that the Australian military was in no position to mount a serious defence. They knew that there was little Australia or her allies could do. Their closest and oldest ally, New Zealand, had long ago given up the idea of a serious defence force. America, the strongest ally, had committed the vast bulk of her military resources to the Middle East. What forces remained were preoccupied by the growing tensions in the Arctic Circle around Alaska and Northern Canada. The recent polar ice melts due to global warming had made it possible to survey more of the Arctic region and vast oil reserves had been discovered between the Baffin and Beaufort Seas. This, and the fact that the waterways were now clear of ice, made the area a geopolitical minefield. America, Canada, Russia, Greenland, Norway and the UK were embroiled in a legal and military battle, the likes of which had never been seen before. And, once again, the cause of the conflict was natural resources. With the world in such a state, Australia could hardly rely on help from an international group, like the now-defunct UN — it was a perfect sitting duck.
China’s strategists had considered all these factors and it was deemed that an invasion of Australia had an extremely high probability of success. Naturally, they had considered simply purchasing natural resources in other countries such as in West Africa. Iron ore was not a scarce resource, but China was after a large supply they could control. Economically, it was calculated to be more efficient for China to invade Australia and, strategically, it was an adroit move.
Control of resources was a key component in their strategy to control the Asia-Pacific region. Before China could effectively challenge the US to primacy in the region, they had to control the flow of natural resources back to the mainland.
For Chairman Yun it was as if the stars had aligned and he was given a blessing to invade Australia and thus secure his country’s future growth. Taking control of Australia’s key mines would be his swansong, a memorial to his years in power that would resonate throughout China, and the world, for decades if not centuries. Chairman Yun’s plan was to publicly retire from politics after the Chinese controlled transportation of Australia’s iron ore. Right now, sitting in the darkened situation room, heavy with exhaustion, Yun prayed that it would be over sooner rather than later.
It was nearly 1 am in Canberra. The lights of General Stephens’ house were all on. Inside, he was sitting in his old brown Chesterfield chair. It was deep, soft and the leather was worn by time. Like the rings inside a tree trunk, every mark indicated a different time in his family’s history, for this chair had been his father’s and his father’s before him. Normally, he felt comfortable and relaxed in the chair. But not tonight. Tonight he was tense and apprehensive. He felt uncomfortable in every position, agitated by the recent events and what was weighing on his mind.
He was remembering the Mineral Wars in Africa, which had started 14 years before. A much more complicated situation than the one he was currently dealing with, Russia, the UK and India had all been involved. The UK supported the African countries, while Russia and India aggressively sought to control the gold mines of Ghana and the uranium mines in Namibia. He’d been sent out to fight with the British soldiers and aid in the defence of the Namibian mining region called the Uranium Corridor. He’d been based at a city called Swakopmund on the coast, which was completely destroyed by the Indian invasion, forcing all the civilians to flee. British and Australian forces had to regain control of Swakopmund as it was the gateway to the uranium corridor. Lost in thought, Stephens tried to summon experiences that could help him now.