Xian immediately relaxed. They were not going to retaliate. ‘Of course, sir. You are wise in your decision.’
‘Xian, you should well know that I am not interested in fighting wars,’ Yun said wearily. ‘I want only to grow our empire for the sake of our people. Australia no longer has anything that we need or desire. It is of no use to us.’
Xian’s relief was obvious. He was fond of Australia, despite all that had happened, and would have been devastated if Yun had ordered nuclear retaliation.
‘China needs you to re-establish diplomatic ties with Australia, Xian!’ Yun said, smiling paternally at the ambassador.
‘I will do my best,’ Xian replied, ‘but given the manner of my departure, I would be surprised if General Stephens would even accept my call.’
‘Ensure he does, Xian — and ensure diplomacy is reinstated as soon as possible. Is that understood?’ Yun asked, indicating their discussion was over.
‘Yes, Chairman. I understand.’ Xian turned and walked to the doors at the end of the vast office, sombre at the prospect of extending the hand of diplomacy.
In Canberra the morning after the bombings, there was full coverage of the events. The media sat in their rightful position, on the fence, providing arguments both for and against the actions taken by General Stephens. The journalists and media technicians at every major news provider quickly developed interactive maps and computer-generated re-enactments, detailing the extent of the destruction. Some pundits called for the general’s immediate arrest. Some hailed him as a national hero, the saviour of Australia. There were no reported civilian deaths in the attack, which helped General Stephens’ cause immensely. Had just one Australian died in the attacks he would likely have been hung, drawn and quartered by the media and the public. Thankfully, the vast majority of the public supported the move. An overwhelming 89 per cent of Australians on the Social News feeds agreed with General Stephens’ decision. The public very quickly decided that General Stephens was a hero — that he had acted selflessly, and with the nation’s best interests at heart.
While the overwhelming majority supported the general, the victory over China came at such a cost that the mood of the country quickly came back to earth following the euphoria of defeating the invaders. An article in The Australasian captured the feeling perfectly:
… the deepest wounds throughout this terrible incident, by far, were inflicted on the environment. The repercussions of the bombs will be felt for a long time. Environmentalists are right to be furious that General Stephens took such extreme measures to rid Australia of the Chinese. Their argument that he rid us of one enemy but introduced another, far greater one to the environment, is in many ways right. But for most Australians it is the lesser of two insidious evils.
The Aboriginal First Nation Coalition party leader, Sam Hislop, agreed that General Stephens’ actions were, under the circumstances, warranted and he endorsed them. As he points out, the nuclear wasteland of the inland of South Australia, created in a microsecond by the bombs, is what the Chinese would have spent a decade creating.
Many things changed when the Chinese invaded. The lucky country became the desperate country, and then, under the leadership of General Stephens, the courageous country. The nation has proven its resilience in the face of true adversity. What remains to be seen is how we will move forward, how we will prosper without the endowment of natural resources and, most importantly, how we will adapt to ensure we are never again an occupied country.
General Stephens was also lauded internationally. In the succeeding months, the Americans performed the role of his personal global PR machine. They made General Stephens an honorary citizen of the United States and awarded him the Medal of Honour, their highest decoration. It was, of course, in America’s interests to celebrate a leader who turned to them for help in his country’s time of need. Clearly, the bombings had also cemented US primacy in the Asia-Pacific. Once again, the US felt like the dominant force in the region — a position it wanted to maintain for as long as possible, even though it was clear their projection of power was now limited to tactical nuclear methods. Their military resources were stretched too far, their domestic economy too fragile to be involved on any other level. No longer could Australia rely on the ANZUS agreement. The country had to take control of its own security.
This was just one of the things on General Stephens’ mind as he sat at his desk in his new office outside the SOF, signing documents. The moment the Chinese withdrew, he vowed to spend as little time in the underground bunker as humanly possible, and moved his team above ground. The sun streamed through the window behind him, cutting a bright path as it illuminated small flecks of dust caught in the beam. It was mid-morning and he was in his productive zone, burning through the workload. In the three months since the Chinese withdrawal, he had regained his youthful energy. He even looked younger.
There was a knock on the door, but he didn’t look up. ‘Come in,’ he called out, continuing signing papers.
‘Morning, Marty. Mind if I come in?’ asked Fletcher politely.
‘You don’t normally ask, Fletch,’ replied General Stephens, now looking up from his documents.
‘Well, I have some news.’
‘What is it?’ General Stephens took off his reading glasses, his curiosity piqued by his old friend’s seriousness.
‘Well, Marty. It’s been a hell of a year…’ Fletcher started.
‘No denying that.’
‘And well, to cut to it, I’ve had enough,’ Fletcher finished. ‘It’s time, Marty.’
‘Time for what?’
‘Time to pull up stumps. I’m done. I’m retiring.’
General Stephens smiled. ‘It’s funny, I’ve been thinking of doing the same.’
‘It feels like the right time.’
‘I agree, and I graciously accept your resignation, Fletch,’ Stephens said, smiling.
‘Thanks. I hoped you’d understand,’ said Fletcher, more relaxed.
‘I won’t be far behind you. I promised to step down once this mess was over, and I intend on doing just that.’
‘Glad to hear it, Marty. When?’
‘Soon. Just need to make sure this defence blueprint gets signed off so that Sarah and Draven can start to implement it,’ Stephens said, gesturing at the image on his screen.
‘How long do you think?’
‘God knows,’ said Stephens, sighing. ‘The budget side of it won’t be a problem, even though we’re more than quadrupling it. The problem will be the social changes.’
‘That’s it, isn’t it — the toughest thing will be getting people to recognise we need a defence culture, not just a defence budget,’ said Fletcher.
‘Precisely. I like that, mind if I use it?’
‘My gift to you,’ replied Fletcher with a smile. ‘It’s a big job, mate. Glad I don’t have to deal with it!’
‘This is our one chance to get it right and set in motion a change of culture,’ said Stephens, mulling over the enormity of it.
‘I agree, but I also think getting the compulsory military service bill passed will be harder than defeating the Chinese!’ Fletcher laughed.
‘Don’t joke, mate. I reckon you could be right,’ replied Stephens, smiling. ‘Actually, the hardest thing is yet to come. Building this country back up without the wealth from resources — it’s a whole new paradigm for our economy and it’s going to be a long road back.’
‘Too true.’ Fletch stood and headed for the door. He paused with his hand on the doorknob and turned to face his friend. ‘Thanks, Marty. Was a hell of a year.’
‘See you around, Fletch,’ said General Stephens, watching him leave the room.