Rykov said, “But let’s assume that they are in fact ready to attack us. Assume further that they do attack. Take an arbitrary date—Sunday the seventh of April. Two days from today. GRU carries a heavy responsibility for defense. Are you ready for that?”
The Marshal rubbed his chin. “You’re talking foolishness,” he said disagreeably.
“It’s only a hypothetical question. Answer it.”
“You know full well our nuclear bases are ready at all times to retaliate instantly.”
“Yes. To rain nuclear missiles on China’s major cities and missile bases—but suppose China’s missiles have already been fired and the central Maoist elite has fled the cities and is holed up in bombproof shelters under the mountains of Lushan in central China. So our retaliation does nothing more than kill off a few hundred million of the little yellow bastards, which does no great injury since they’re over-populated anyhow. And when both sides have exhausted their nuclear arsenals the Chinese ultimate weapon comes into play—the individual footsoldier. Chinese tanks roll into Mongolia and Siberia. Chinese troops invade Soviet territory and overrun our bases. They have three times our manpower—ten times our manpower if we restrict the discussion to our forces in the Far East. Now I’m asking you, are we prepared for that?”
“You’re saying footsoldiers will be able to fight effectively over territory that has been devastated by nuclear weapons.”
“Not necessarily. The missiles of both sides are aimed primarily at cities and military concentrations.”
“You forget fallout.”
“One has to assume that life goes on. You’re evading me, Comrade Marshal. Why?”
“Because I think your hypothesis is untenable.”
“Just for one moment assume it isn’t. Then what is your answer?”
“You’re trying to goad me into admitting we’re in an unsatisfactory state of war preparation. It isn’t true. Our troops are better equipped than theirs, better trained, better led.”
“That’s not the issue. The issue is their level of alertness. The speed with which they can be mobilized. In the event the Chinese launch a full-scale invasion forty-eight hours from now, will our forces be able to respond swiftly enough to stop the Chinese in their tracks and fling them back into China? That’s the only question I’m asking you, and it’s the only question you haven’t answered.”
“I can only answer it by saying that if war comes, it won’t come in the way you postulate.”
“In other words our troops are prepared to counteract any small-scale exploratory probes the Chinese may send into the disputed territories, but if it came to an all-out invasion we would not be ready to repel it.”
“That’s not what I mean either.”
“Then say what you mean.”
Grigorenko leaned forward. “You’re trying to trap me. If China rains nuclear missiles on us they will not follow it up by invading Soviet territory with ground troops. They will wait for us to invade them, because that’s the way they have always fought. China swallows all its invaders. China has never invaded alien territory.”
“I submit Tibet.”
“A triviality, and beside the point. My information confirms that in the unlikely event of wholesale war between our countries the Chinese will simply wait to ensnare us in their net. On their own home ground they can defeat us. On our ground they can’t. They know that. They won’t invade. Now on those terms I can answer your question: yes, we are prepared for it. We are prepared for the Chinese to invite us to penetrate their frontiers with mass armies. Our preparation is in the nature of rejecting the Chinese invitation. If war comes we will not make the mistake of marching our armies into China’s rural countryside. We will not allow them to draw us into their brand of fighting where every Chinese farmer becomes a guerrilla resistance soldier. We will spearhead directly into their centers of industrial production and military communications. We will destroy their productivity and smash their industry and then we will withdraw to our own borders and wait for them to sign a peace.”
Rykov murmured, “And what if they roll into Mongolia and Siberia in spite of your projections to the contrary?”
“They won’t.”
“I only suggest you prepare contingency plans to deal with the situation.”
“You know perfectly well such contingency plans have been drawn up for years and periodically updated.”
“Then let me suggest you dust them off and supply your field commanders with copies of them. What harm can it do to be prepared?”
Grigorenko was studying him with renewed care. Perhaps Rykov knew something Rykov Wasn’t telling him.
Rykov added, “Recall the proverb. ‘The road to Siberia is wide; the way back is narrow.’ The penalty for unprepared-ness can be severe.”
Marshal Grigorenko left, walking heavily on his heels. Andrei escorted him out and returned, shutting the door. “He’s got something to think about.”
“The question is, will he act? And will he act in time?”
Andrei stood in front of the desk with his hands clasped behind him. His round bookish face was tipped to one side in the pose that meant he had something to say.
Rykov sat back. “Let us hear what’s on your mind.”
“Only this. What if they are right and we are wrong? They have seen all the evidence we’ve seen. They’ve reached a different conclusion.”
Rykov regarded him thoughtfully, lips pushing out, eyes squinting. “They’re frightened. They believe what is most comfortable to believe. They’re products of the assembly line of government we have here in which every functionary has a limited area of responsibility and therefore feels immunized from overall accountability. They have no policy but to remain in power. They are riding a bicycle—they don’t seem to realize that when it stops rolling along it falls down. They seem to think as long as things can be kept the same, nothing bad can happen to them.”
“Yet it is still possible they are correct in this instance. The facts are open to more than one interpretation. It’s possible the Chinese are getting ready to attack us. But it’s also possible they’re only trying to frighten us into making border concessions.”
“No. That’s what they want us to think.”
“I am not sure of that, Viktor Ilyich.”
“When has my intuition been wrong?”
“Never,” Andrei conceded, and added, “up to now.”
“I regret deeply your lack of confidence in me.”
“I only wish I could be as certain as you are. Probably it is my weakness.” Andrei came forward and put his hands on the front of the desk. His face hovered close to Rykov’s. “I think I know your plans.”
“Then perhaps you’d better tell me what you think they are.”
“I think you’re going to order the Amergrad group to launch American missiles on Chinese targets.”
“Go on, then,” Rykov breathed.
“It has to be so. The Chinese will believe they’ve been attacked by the Americans. Naturally China will retaliate with its own ICBMs against the United States. There won’t be time for the Americans to convince the Chinese it was a mistake. The Americans will see the Chinese missiles coming in and of course they’ll react—they’ll launch their missiles against China in force.
“In the meantime their President will be on the hot-line telephone to us, but Premier Kazakov will know nothing. Whether their President will believe him is open to question, but as long as we do not join in the Chinese attack the Americans will be obliged to concentrate their counterattack on China. Quite certainly Comrades Kazakov and Yashin would not be inclined to join the Chinese in such a conflict; we would either remain neutral or even perhaps join forces with the United States to crush the perfidious yellow enemy for all time. American missiles will destroy China; Chinese missiles will cripple the United States; the blame for the initial attack will rest on the United States; and the Soviet Union will emerge unscathed, untouched by nuclear craters—the single surviving great power.”