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Ideally, the GPR is used on board a helicopter. The stiller it is the clearer the picture. But over enemy territory this is too risky. So the images fed back to Washington of the General Headquarters in Rawalpindi were not as clear as they could be, but the information was enough to characterize the target and therefore determine whether the special warheads to be used would be able to take it out of action. The underground tunnels linking the various Pakistani bunkers showed up clearly and confirmed for the first time the actual command and control centre being used by Hamid Khan.

The Americans’ main concern was that Khan had taken to a mobile strategic communications system, of which the Pakistani DEFCOM was the most sophisticated, embracing both satellite and microwave links. It remained in the field and, as yet, undetected. Given that Khan was also head of government, he might have opted to use the Joint Operations Command (JOC), the centre for the Joint Services, which was better placed for direct liaison with the civilian government. But it was equally possible that Khan would feel more at home and physically secure on his own turf, which would be the General Headquarters in Rawalpindi — and this was confirmed by the GPR.

Analysts had picked out images of movement within that bunker and other specific targets believed to be the entrances, the control tower at the airfield, the officers’ mess, the clinic and others. In one picture, three men were photographed going into the clinic, carrying boxes of supplies.

Indian Mirage-2000Hs, MiG-27MLs and SU30s continued to pound Pakistan air defences, and shortly before the B-52 was ready to launch aircraft descended to destroy key buildings in the complex, using fire and deep-penetration bombs.

The B-52 flying outside of Pakistan airspace over international waters south of Karachi carried twelve missiles externally and they launched those first. They were followed by four more from the bomb bay and four were held back in reserve. The type of warhead had never been used in modern conflict. John Hastings had told Dixit that the United States would not be involved in any offensive lethal action against Pakistan. But on advice from Alvin Jebb, the American Defence Secretary, he had agreed to use non-lethal weapons to neutralize Hamid Khan’s command and control of nuclear weapons. Jebb was keen to test the weapons in a combat situation which he saw as a perfect, high-profile use of non-lethal weapons.

As the Tomahawks exactly hit their target, there was no fireball or wrenching explosion. That had been carried out by the Indians. Instead, almost farcically, a thin, fog-like foam was dispersed over specific areas. Immediately, it began hardening and within minutes had become as immovable as concrete, sealing the exits to the bunker like a glue. The Indian bombs had left hundreds of anti-personnel mines on the ground, demanding an exhaustive process before Hamid Khan and his staff could be got out.

It was impossible to know what contingency plans — if any — Khan had drawn up for this type of attack. But American SIGINT operators confirmed that Pakistan’s command and control structure had gone dead, leaving individual commanders to fend for themselves. There was no communication from Hamid Khan’s bunker, and, only when the conflict had ended did it become clear what had happened to him.

Eastern Air Command, Shillong, India

Local time: 1100 Monday 7 May 2007
GMT: 0530 Monday 7 May 2007

‘Pakistan neutralized,’ read the encrypted message.

Air Marshal Commodore Ravi Thapar received it in the code which had still not been deciphered by the United States and European experts. It was a simple message, leading to a battle plan he had already drawn up. The Chinese forces which had pushed into Arunachal Pradesh would now be cut off from behind and then destroyed.

Part of it was revenge for the dreadful defeat China inflicted on India in 1962. Part of it was sensible military strategy. The key targets were the bridges north and south of the Burmese town of Namya Ra, cutting off supplies for the Chinese troops coming in from Lashio and Mytkyina. Airfields at Mogaung and Bhamo were hit, destroying Chinese aircraft on the ground and rendering the runways unusable for several hours.

Then, after several hours’ lull in the front-line fighting, Indian artillery opened up on the Chinese positions. Chinese aircraft from bases in Tibet were intercepted by India fighters and engaged in dogfights, leaving the ground troops vulnerable. Sensing defeat, the Chinese troops began a tactical withdrawal into Burma, but were cut off by three thousand Indian troops landed by helicopter and parachute behind the Chinese lines. Indian ground-attack aircraft took out Chinese anti-aircraft positions, then moved in with cannon fire, strafing the positions and the light armour the Chinese had brought in with them.

Once the element of surprise had ended, the Chinese dug themselves in well. But they were running low on ammunition and supplies and it would be only a matter of time before they were defeated. Their attackers fought ferociously, taking huge risks in the mountainous terrain. In the first hours of fighting, they refused to take prisoners, even after the Chinese had shown the white flag.

Downing Street, London

Local time: 0600 Monday 7 May 2007

‘We’re going over to Downing Street now, where Anthony Pincher is on the line. This is the Prime Minister’s first interview since news of the Pakistani nuclear attack broke just under six hours ago. Thank you for joining us, Prime Minister. I know you’ve been up all night. We have heard about the terrible Pakistani missile strike on Kashmir. Can you tell us the latest news about that?’

‘Thank you, Michael,’ said Pincher to the early morning presenter on BBC 5 Live radio. ‘That was a tragedy, but thankfully things have moved on, to try to stop more bloodshed. As I speak an operation is underway to prevent any further use by Pakistan of nuclear weapons and, hopefully, force a ceasefire. I can’t say too much about it, but I am convinced that this measure will go a long way to de-escalating the crisis.’

‘Are any British troops involved?’

‘No. Not in this operation.’

‘You’re implying, Prime Minister, that British troops are involved in another operation.’

‘I’m not implying anything, except to say that the task force headed by HMS Ocean currently in the Bay of Bengal has been put on standby should it be needed.’

‘But we are clearly supporting India, then?’

‘As callers to your overnight programme have been pointing out, India is a democracy. We hope it doesn’t come to supporting one side or another, but Great Britain supports democratic rule against any other.’

Prime Minister’s Office, Singapore

Local time: 1430 Monday 7 May 2007
GMT: 0600 Monday 7 May 2007

‘John, I would like you to regard this as a personal call,’ said Anthony Pincher.

‘Understood,’ said Singapore’s Prime Minister, John Chiu. ‘I have just been listening to you on the radio. It appears you have taken sides already.’

‘That’s what I wanted to discuss, particularly Burma.’

‘Yes. I couldn’t imagine that a tiny city state like Singapore would be consulted on the greater geopolitical issues. What about Myanmar?’ said Chiu, correcting Pincher on the official name of the country.