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Song: I hope I can. But I would just like to make clear to the American people what we did and what we are trying to achieve. Our missile strike was very specific. We targeted the building and people inside who were about to issue a declaration of independence. We have always said we would take action and we did. For defensive purposes we will be putting military garrisons on islands previously occupied by Taiwanese troops. These are known in the US as Kinmen or Quemoy, and Matsu. They are about a hundred miles west of the island of Taiwan and dangerously close to our eastern coastline defences. Those operations are still ongoing and I believe the Taiwanese are putting up limited military resistance. I would expect us to be in full control by midday tomorrow.

CNN: Xinhua said that you were helping local fishermen build typhoon shelters.

Song: I don’t edit Xinhua. You want to know what’s happening and I’m telling you. This is too big to try to pit me against our official news agency.

CNN: All right, you occupy the islands. Then what?

Song: We will not strike Taiwan Island again as long as there are no further moves to declare independence. The National Assembly never passed the law. The celebrations did not go ahead, so I see no reason for conflict.

CNN: Except that the people of Taiwan want independence.

Song: They have it. They have more independence than the Kashmiris, the Chechens, the Texans, the Catholics of Northern Ireland and the Tibetans. All we are saying is this: Taiwan will not get a seat in the UN because China is a permanent member of the Security Council and we will veto its admittance. If John Hastings wants to recognize Taiwan’s independence, China will break off relations with the United States. The same applies to any other government. What I suggest is that President Lin grows up. Instead of trying to score personal points for himself, he allows time for us to sort out the Taiwan question. It may not happen in my lifetime or his. But it could emerge peacefully, if he lets it.

CNN: The opinion polls in the US favour American intervention.

Song: Intervene in what? Unless you declare all-out war in China, I can’t see what you can do. You strike one airfield on our east coast and we have a hundred more we can use. Just think what it took to get a deal with Serbia in 1999, and that’s the size of just one county in one of our coastal provinces.

CNN: The feeling here is that Chinese aggression—

Song: Stop right there. Taiwan took advantage of a time when both President Hastings and President Tao were preoccupied with the much more serious problem with India. It was Taiwan, not us, which pushed the independence issue, knowing, and let me repeat that, knowing full well that both Japan and the United States could be militarily drawn into the dispute. If that is not the height of political cynicism and irresponsibility, I don’t know what is. I just hope the American people understand that when they send their young men and women to risk their loves in conflict against us, it would only be to boost the ratings of a phony Taiwanese politician.

The Situation Room, The White House, Washington, DC

Local time: 0145 Tuesday 8 May 2007
GMT: 0645 Tuesday 8 May 2007

John Hastings turned away from the television screen. He said, looking at Bloodworth: ‘Can we live with that? Has he given us the makings of a deal?’

‘Overhalt says Jamie Song is not in direct contact with the President. He certainly doesn’t have the authority of General Leung.’

‘We’re evacuating the Embassy staff on the basis of an ordered departure,’ said Joan Holden. ‘Apparently, the British Embassy has been burnt, with one diplomat dead. We’ve offered to take out their staff as long as it doesn’t conflict with our “no double standard” rule. We have a line open to Reece at the Foreign Ministry. He seems to be camping in Jamie Song’s office.’

‘It’s not a deal,’ said Ennio Barber. ‘It’s an interview on CNN. Might I suggest that one missile strike could get President Tao to the phone? Once that conversation has taken place we can have a deal which won’t cost us the election.’

‘I don’t like his reasoning,’ said Bloodworth. ‘But Ennio’s idea might just work. I suggest two Tomahawks into two DF-15 launch sites in Fujian province. Our IMINT will throw up the coordinates.’

‘All right,’ said Hastings slowly. ‘Do it.’

Military Headquarters, Western Hills, China

Local time: 1445 Tuesday 8 May 2007
GMT: 0645 Tuesday 8 May 2007

‘Two cruise missiles have hit the control tower and runway at Xiamen civilian airfield,’ said General Leung. ‘We should respond by targeting Okinawa.’

‘Not yet,’ said President Tao. Holed up with the military, Tao had managed to cling on to the authority of his presidency. As soon as he emerged, leaving the general to his own devices, he would lose it. ‘A missile launch on Okinawa would force us into a war which has no decisive end. It is against our doctrine of yizhan ershang, winning a victory with one strike. Let us try to follow the line which Comrade Song outlined on CNN. Let them strike us. We will use our air defences to intercept the missiles. We will not strike back. We will try to secure Matsu and Kinmen by the morning, and challenge the Western democracies to recognize Taiwan if they wish.’

General Leung: ‘Then I suggest you tell President Hastings that. We occupy Matsu and Kinmen. Taiwan Island reverts to the status quo. They send no more missiles against our facilities.’

The Situation Room, The White House, Washington, DC

Local time: 0200 Tuesday 8 May 2007
GMT: 0700 Tuesday 8 May 2007

John Hastings had been on the telephone to President Tao for four minutes, using interpreters and patiently letting the Chinese leader run through his prepared script. Then Tao cut into his own lecture with what Hastings could only later describe as a high-pitched yelp. At the same time, Tom Bloodworth’s voice broke through the hum of the war room: ‘Indian missile. The Agni. Launch pad north of Allahabad. Waiting for coordinates.’

Tao left his line open but never returned to it. Analysts later described as gold dust the disjointed conversations recorded in Washington from the Chinese war headquarters. They confirmed that China did have real-time satellite surveillance over India, which picked up the launch at exactly the same moment as it came through on Bloodworth’s screen. The analysts also discovered — although only much later, when the conflict was over — that Tao himself remained in charge, and they were able to break down the command structure and the relationship between him, General Leung and their subordinates. But most significantly, ninety seconds after ending his conversation with Hastings, Tao’s voice was identified as initiating the command. Although Tao’s mood and motive were hotly debated for months to come, it was widely believed that his decision had been made some time earlier and that India’s missile launch was only the catalyst with which he chose to activate it.

Operational Directorate, South Block, Delhi, India

Local time: 1230 Tuesday 8 May 2007
GMT: 0700 Tuesday 8 May 2007

‘Target the Chinese garrison in Namya Ra, Myanmar,’ said Chandra Reddy. ‘Target Chinese supply and airbase in Lashio. Target Chinese ELINT and SIGINT station on Little Cocos Island. Target Chinese naval ships at Hanggyi Island base on the Irrawaddy River delta. All targets are on Myanmar sovereign territory. None is in Tibet. One is in China itself — the DF-21 launch site in Chuxiong, used against Taiwan.’