`The Amber System alone cannot detect the nationality of the submarine; it cannot tell if they are American, Russian, or whatever. It simply detects the presence of some foreign object and this information is relayed directly to the Pentagon, which knows what is on the navigational charts and also whether the particular sub is American or not.
`I suggested that the US Navy equip all Japanese commercial vessels with this system. Japanese seamen are reliable and the Japanese merchant marine travels all the oceans and seas of the world. Japanese ships, including our oil tankers, could gather information along vital cargo routes and the US could analyse the information received from the Japanese ships.
`To my surprise, the Americans said that it was none of Japan's business. I asked how, in light of the very limited number of US ships, they could deny the need for such assistance. The answer: "We cannot leave such a critical matter with Japan." I asked whether it was appropriate to involve the British and the Germans, and he said it would be.
`The fact of the matter is that the Americans do not trust Japan. Japan would have no expertise with which to analyse the information provided by the Amber System, yet they were still worried about Japanese reliability in collecting it. American racial prejudice towards Japan is fundamental and we should always keep it in mind when dealing with the Americans. During the Second World War, Americans bombed civilian targets in Germany, but only on Japan did they use the atomic bomb. While they refuse to admit it, the only reason why they could use the atomic bomb at all was because of their racial attitude towards Japan.
`We Japanese now face choices on whether we can boldly proceed, or stand back quietly. It may be possible that Japan can secure a new future for itself based upon a truly independent posture in our region and in the world. We must not restrain ourselves to what we have done up to this point.'
`What sort of action does the Prime Minister have in mind?' Mr Naito, the Trade Minister, asked.
`I will come to that later, but I would have thought at the very least we ought to make it plain to the US and the world that the security treaty no longer exists. I think we should also give consideration to a demonstration of our military power so that China, in particular, recognizes our legitimate rights and interests in the South China Sea. You more than most, Naito-san, recognize the importance to our economy of free and unfettered access to that particular waterway.'
`Indeed, as I am also aware of our investment in China that might be put at risk if we were to take precipitate action against Beijing in the South China Sea,' Naito said. `A shipment of oil is by no means a trivial thing, but is it worth risking what we have in China? Of the top thirty joint ventures in China, we are the leader with seven. We are the biggest importers from China in a trade that profits us greatly. I'm concerned about expropriation. I know industry is as well. Some leaders have called to say they are worried by this talk of military action.'
`The inevitable cannot be put off simply by hoping so,' Foreign Minister Kimura said. `Besides, we are all Asians. I am sure we can reach an accommodation with China. Businessmen should do what they do best and keep out of politics.'
`I would now like Ishihara-san to give us a briefing on the state of readiness of our forces and the project on Ogasarawa,' Hyashi said. `Ishihara-san.'
`Japan's military forces are at a high state of readiness, Prime Minister. Our southern fleet, which occupies the former US facilities on Okinawa, is at sea. It consists of a small carrier, three guided-missile cruisers, and associated support ships. We also have a submarine in the vicinity. Given the state of our technology, it is unlikely that the Chinese could inflict much damage upon us. But, of course, it does not pay to be complacent. Admiral Yamashita is in command.
`The facility at Ogasawara is, as you know, spread over a number of small islands. The smallest is a test facility and, 22 kilometres south, the largest houses Defence Research Facility 317 and the some 165 or so scientists and soldiers working there. It too is in a high state of readiness. Indeed, all is prepared and awaits only the authorization of the Prime Minister.'
`I am aware of this secret facility,' Finance Minister Wada said. `Its budget is hidden in the Agriculture Ministry's annual budget for research into rice. But I've never been told what 317 does and I'm bound to say, Ishiharasan, you've not enlightened me at all.'
`317 is a nuclear weapons research facility,' Ishihara said. `It exists to pool and develop the government's efforts in the nuclear field. It was decided by the government of the day and has been upheld by subsequent governments that Japan should acquire the ability to manufacture a small number of nuclear weapons. It has never been the government's intention to compete with the United States, Russia, or China in the quantity of nuclear weapons the nation possesses. Instead we have gone for quality and deliverability. Given our own tragic experience as the only nation on earth to receive a nuclear explosion at a time of war we set out with the aim of making the cleanest possible device. The warheads we have made if used in anger would cause considerable initial damage but very little of the ongoing health problems that come from bombs which create a lot of radioactivity.'
The silence in the cabinet room was deafening. The Prime Minister decided to bring the meeting to an end.
`Although I was an early sceptic I believe the developments so far this week fully justify the decision to establish the 317 project. The proposal I wish to put before you is this. We need to be seen to be doing something; to be a part of this crisis not just an impotent onlooker. To achieve this I plan to authorize a test of one of our smallest devices, a 50 kiloton bomb to be detonated underground. I believe this modest explosion would announce to the world our coming of age as a nuclear power and simultaneously put China on notice that we will not tolerate its actions in the South China Sea.'
The Indian Ambassador's car drew up outside the new Foreign Ministry building in Beijing five minutes before the meeting with Jamie Song. He was shown straight in. The two men shook hands and spoke on first-name terms. Later the Ambassador told the Press Trust of India that the talks had been businesslike, but friendly.
`Hardeep, the Ministry of State Security tell me you are moving extra troops into the border area with Tibet,' began the Foreign Minister.
`If that is so, Jamie, it is a mystery to me. I enquired this very morning with Delhi and they tell me we are watching, but doing nothing.'
`Can you check again?'
`I can, but I was also going to mention that RAW [the Research and Analysis Wing of the Indian security forces] is reporting increased dissident activities in Lhasa and other cities. I mention this privately, of course.'
`Of course.'
`And it believes there is a possibility of the dissident groups taking advantage of your military concentration in the South China Sea.'
`I trust India will do nothing to encourage this.'
`We give sanctuary, as you know. Nothing else. But I have been instructed by my Prime Minister to mention the following points officially.'
`Go on, Hardeep.'
`We are considering taking up a long-standing offer to expand our military training programmes with the Americans. As you know they began in 1991. Among other things, the Americans enjoy the high-altitude Himalayan training. I've been instructed to tell you that India is concerned about Chinese military expansion and we are seeking assurances.'