`Such as?'
`A halt in your sale of nuclear technology to Pakistan. A slowdown of your weapons sales to Pakistan. A removal or sharing with us of your military base on Hangyi Island in Burma which, as you know, strategically flanks the Bay of Bengal. And the same for the monitoring station on Burma's Great Coco Island north of our Andaman Islands.'
`You are forthright, Ambassador.'
`It must be our British colonial training. It is better for you to share what is not yours and keep my government happy.'
`If we don't?'
`If the fears of my government are not allayed about Chinese territorial expansion, we will display our nuclear arsenal.'
`A dangerous move, Hardeep.'
`The world is becoming a more dangerous place.'
`And if we comply?'
`We won't interfere in Tibet.'
The Chinese Ambassador to Moscow was summoned to the Kremlin at less than an hour's notice. The time-span had acute diplomatic significance, as did the rank of his host, the Deputy Foreign Minister. The Foreign Minister was otherwise engaged.
`Ambassador, my government is concerned about the civilian casualties caused by your attacks on Vietnam. We don't want to see any more.'
`This is an internal matter between China and-'
The Deputy Foreign Minister cut in: `Not when Russian aircraft are involved.'
`What are you suggesting, Deputy Foreign Minister?'
`I will be frank. We are under pressure from the Americans to withdraw our technical support. If you can keep your campaign free of civilian bloodshed, preferably all bloodshed, then we will have no reason to comply. But the spectre of Russian aircraft bombing residential areas in Vietnam is one my government will not tolerate.'
Jamie Song arranged his afternoon meetings with the French, German, and British Ambassadors at half-hourly intervals. He didn't want them to bump into each other, but he intended them to have reported back to their capitals and to have a response by early the next day.
He deliberately kept the French Ambassador waiting for seven minutes and was standing as he was shown in. Neither man sat down during the meeting.
`Ambassador, my government is surprised and saddened at the open support you are showing at this time for an enemy of China. I understand that French military personnel have been used against the People's Liberation Army.'
`We have, as you know, treaty obligations towards Vietnam.'
`These do not interest my government. In good faith, China allowed France to open a diplomatic mission in Beijing a full ten years before the Americans. We had regarded you as an old and trusted friend. There have been difficult times, such as your sale of warships and aircraft to Taiwan in the nineties. But nothing to equal the level of betrayal you have exercised in the past two days.'
`I will pass the Foreign Minister's comments on to my government.'
`You will do more than that, Ambassador. You will tell them that unless we hear an immediate declaration of neutrality from France, we will strike all French companies from tendering for new Chinese contracts and as from next week we will close your Citroe¨n plant in Wuhan. That is all.'
Jamie Song was more cordial with the British Ambassador. The two men sat in the comfortable leather chairs in a corner of his office. `We appreciate Britain's neutrality in this difficult regional dispute,' he began. `Your deep knowledge of the Chinese people and their culture has helped you understand that these problems are much better solved without outside interference. After all, us Asians have to stand on our own two feet at some time or another, without American aircraft carriers smacking us over the bottoms.'
`Yes it is difficult, Foreign Minister. I am only instructed to say at this time, that we are concerned about British nationals at risk both in Vietnam and on the Spratly Island oil rigs which have been seized. The House of Commons is restless. As you know, democracies like easy solutions and quick action. If the Prime Minister could report their safety to the House this afternoon, our neutrality would be much easier to maintain. At the same time, the television pictures of the attacks on Vietnam are doing nothing to help China's international image. For the same reason, these will need to stop if Britain is to continue to argue your case.'
`That is an internal affair between China and Vietnam. Frankly, Ambassador, it is none of your business.'
`I'm afraid the world being as small as it is it will become an internal affair of Great Britain. When we sacked the Summer Palace in 1860, there were no television cameras to record the behaviour of the British troops. If the British people are outraged by your actions in Vietnam, British politicians, albeit reluctantly, have to reflect that outrage.'
Jamie Song stood up to signal that the meeting was over. He extended his hand and held the grip of the Ambassador as he said: `I wanted to talk to you over the next few days about the airport contracts. There is a chance that they could all go to British companies, if we all play our cards rights. None would be more pleased than I.' Jamie Song walked the Ambassador down the long corridor to the waiting lift which even in modern Chinese culture was a sign of great respect. But not greater than the figure of Jamie Song waiting at the top of the steps as the car of the German Ambassador drew up, or clasping the diplomat's arm and guiding him the lift and then to his office. A waiter bought a ready mixed Smirnoff vodka with fresh orange, which Jamie Song knew was his favourite afternoon drink. They sat in the same comfortable chairs. Mahler's Fifth Symphony drifted through the large room as background music. They spoke on first name terms.
`We are trying to account for all foreign nationals, Helmut. I spoke to the President just a few minutes ago. He tells me the military operations against Vietnam will be halted by the end of the day. The shipping routes are reopening. By the end of the week everyone will have forgotten about it.'
`The Chancellor has urged the international community to be restrained.'
`The President asked me to pass on his appreciation of Germany's mature approach to this difficult regional problem. Believe me, Helmut, once this settles down, there'll be no more talk of Asian flashpoints any more.'
`And the sea-routes?'
`We have only been worried about shipping getting caught in the cross-fire. I think the routes are opening even as we speak.'
`I'll tell the Chancellor.'
`Yes, and you might mention that we are very interested in the latest Siemens, Mercedes, and Volkswagen joint-venture applications. I understand there's been some delays in the negotiations, but I think you'll find they'll be cleared up in the next few days.'
The picket line stretched for more than a kilometre and would stay there through the night. Reece Overhalt, Chief Executive Officer of Boeing, looked down on the demonstrators from his executive suite: he knew he had no alternative but to tough it out. The demonstrators' placards denounced China and denounced Boeing. `Stop the export of US jobs to China!'; `Boeing supports Chinese Killers!'; `Overhalt, Overdone, Throw him OUT!'. At the head of the demonstration was an official from the International Association of Machinists (IAM). The IAM had led a bitter seven-week strike in 1995 against Boeing, where the export of jobs to China was a key issue. To win Chinese aircraft orders Boeing agreed to export part of the aircraft's manufacture to China. The union's magazine, IAM Journal, said these `offsets' were `a thuggish game of job blackmail… US aerospace giants don't seem concerned about giving it all away. They feed the Asian tiger, and the competitor grows.' The Chinese attack on Vietnam and its blockage of the South China Sea acted as a lightning conductor for union grievances. The IAM accused Boeing of selling the American birthright by agreeing that as much as 20 per cent of the value of Boeing's new 777 wide-body jet could be manufactured in Japan. One union official noted that China was building Boeing 737 tail sections in a military-run plant that made the same bombers which were attacking Vietnam. `It is unlawful and ludicrous to expect American business and labour to compete with Chinese labour under military discipline.'