A retired helicopter pilot, once assigned to rescuing the First Family, was interviewed on ABC News. `Through the years, we always reacted like we could handle an all-out nuclear attack. I don't think people — then our top people in government — have any idea of what a multi-megaton nuclear weapon attack on the US would do. We'd be back in the Stone Age. It's unthinkable.'
In the White House, President Bradlay told his inner cabinet: `The American people are scared. They may become hysterical. After an attack we are going to have to be prepared to operate with people who are uncontrollably mad and frightened.'
There was a silence and the remarks of a relief worker being interviewed on television dominated the meeting for a moment. `It is sham for me to tell people I can help them. We've gone beyond that. I cannot give people confidence that there is a system in place that will work, when in my heart of hearts, in the dark of night, I doubt it will work.'
Those remarks were followed by those of a former director of the Mount Weather complex: `I would be breaking the law if I told you whether that facility is ready to receive President Bradlay and his administration. I will say only that our policy after the collapse of the Soviet Union was we shouldn't shut the damn doors yet. Remember what Plato said: "Only the dead have seen the end of war."'
`President Bradlay has asked whether China can meet the international conditions laid down to end the conflict,' began Reece Overhalt as the two men settled back into the suite at the China World Hotel. `He also wants you to note the unilateral ceasefire in the South China Sea by Allied forces while we try to get this mess untangled. At the same time, British and American Trident submarines are ready to launch at any time. We have B2 stealth bombers in Okinawa and on Guam and the Peacekeeper and Minuteman missile silos have been prepared. The twin keys have been taken out of their boxes. Each officer at each launch station is on readiness to use them once the President makes his command.'
Jamie Song took a sheet of paper from his briefcase and laid it on the coffee table. He said, reading from it: `President Wang will stand down our nuclear weapons on guarantees that the United States will withdraw its military forces from the South China Sea. If you do that, we will guarantee free passage of all non-military shipping, and we will allow limited Japanese naval patrols. After a decent interval of cooling off, American and Allied warships will be allowed in on a case by case basis, if for example you want to visit Hong Kong or Shanghai, or the British want to go to Brunei again. You will recognize there is a legitimate regional dispute over the Spratly and Paracel Islands and leave it up to the region to sort it out.' At this stage, he looked up. `What we're saying, Reece, is leave Asia to solve Asia's problems. Draw back from where you're not needed any more and don't get involved in another war here which will kill thousands of Americans. Your Ambassador and I will sign a Memorandum of Understanding tonight. It will be followed up by a more detailed document to be negotiated by officials over the next few months. After that there should be an exchange of presidential visits and everything will get back to normal. President Wang also wanted to give his personal guarantee that trade will not be affected. We understand that we need your technology and investment to develop. He hopes that our trade privileges will also continue.'
Reece Overhalt returned to the Embassy to talk to President Bradlay. China gave America three further hours to reach a decision.
A SIGINT report from Hawaii had picked up a frequency hopping encrypted exchange of signals, which analysts said could have been between the Qingdao naval base and the Xia submarine. Aircraft had been put up to try and find it. The nearest American submarine was 250 nautical miles away from the very rough position where the submarine could be. The President was told it was still like looking for a needle in a haystack. The British Prime Minister telephoned to offer continuing military support. He offered sympathy for the breakdown of civil society in the United States. Luckily Britain, having experienced the bombing of its cities before, remained more under control. He was also concerned about the closure of newspapers and radio and television stations in Hong Kong. The editor of the South China Morning Post had been gaoled. Both the BBC and CNN had been reporting mass arrests of suspected subversives. The Legislative Council had been suspended and the Chief Executive had announced emergency measures. The Japanese Prime Minister called on President Bradlay to pull back from a larger battle which neither America nor China would win. He said that Japan could live with Chinese sovereignty over the South China Sea as long as it remained an international trade route. But this was not an issue over which to launch thermonuclear war. The German Chancellor said he saw no good that could come of it. The French President said he was standing his forces down for the time being: he had no intention of getting into a nuclear exchange with China. Defense Secretary Matt Collins said confirmed reports were coming in of further mass troop movements on the Vietnamese border. The Guangzhou and Kunming military districts were still declared war zones. Satellite pictures showed artillery being moved back from its forward border positions. But there was no certainty that Vietnam was safe from Chinese attack. Some of the most powerful guns were in the Pingxiang area only 150 kilometres from Hanoi. Analysts were still working on photographs indicating imminent launches of the M11 missile, which could hit the outskirts of Hanoi. On Hainan Island there were signs that the M9 was being prepared. With a 600 kilometre range, the missiles could hit Da Nang and Hue. The Indian Prime Minister telephoned to say that he was getting reports of uprisings throughout Tibet. Troops had opened fire in Lhasa, Xigaze, and Gyangze. Hundreds had died. India was setting up refugee camps for Tibetans who tried to escape. Troops were being flown in to reinforce the border. The White House press office urged the President to confirm he would not be leaving the building. Both the National Guard and the Marine Corps anticipated even more dangerous riots if there was an evacuation. Mexican border police opened fire on Americans trying to flee into Tijuana and Nogales south of Tucson. There had also been trouble at other border posts. Canada had simply opened the border and let people drive in, urging them to keep going north to ease congestion.
As Reece Overhalt spoke to the President, the first reports came in of China's invasion of the Taiwanese island of Peikan, just off the coast of Fujian. Twenty minutes later the better defended settlement of Matsu had fallen. Within five minutes of that confirmation, President Bradlay ordered the USS Asheville to destroy the Kilo class submarine off the Californian coast. Reece Overhalt was still on the secure line. The Defense Secretary, the National Security Adviser, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Secretary of State were included in the conference call. Reece Overhalt explained the Chinese policy of forcing America out of Asian affairs.
`Well, gentlemen, what do you suggest?' said the President.
`Mr President,' said the Defense Secretary, `why are we even thinking about condemning millions of our countrymen to death by nuclear weapons? I think the Chinese have offered us the makings of a deal, and I think we should grab it with both hands. Our decision to escalate to naval conflict was taken not in response to China's seizure of the South China Sea, but to their sinking of the Peleliu. The Peleliu's mission was to rescue oil workers being held hostage. I have been told in the last hour that those men have now been freed by Japanese naval forces and are safely on board a Japanese naval vessel. I would like you to join with me in offering our thanks to the Japanese government. Japan, which is our ally, has emerged as a global power, to which we can hand over confidently the mantle of leadership in Asia. If the trade routes are guaranteed, what is the point of risking nuclear war? Apart from the loss of life, the global economy could be set back decades. There will be a shift of alliances and power which will take years to settle. America itself will undergo an internal psychological upheaval from which it will not recover in generations. Just listen to the television. As a nation we are still licking our wounds from the defeat in Vietnam nearly thirty years ago. Yet not one shell in that war landed on our soil. How long will it take us to be cured of the trauma of nuclear attack? Even without firing a missile, the Chinese have turned this country into a mayhem of rioting and looting. I urge us to sign the Memorandum of Understanding, get the missiles stood down and Wall Street reopened, and let America return to normal life. Properly presented, this will not look as if we are being forced out of Asia, which we aren't. We will emerge as the saviours of Asia and of Europe.'