The President has been meeting with the Secretary of State and the National Security Adviser at the White House for the past half an hour. The President has issued the following statement: `The American government is disturbed by the outbreak of violence in the South China Sea. Our first reports indicate that there have been substantial casualties, particularly among Vietnamese civilians. We are shocked by the bloodshed. This is a part of the world which had been an example to us all of how to make trade and the creation of wealth a priority above all else. We urge both Vietnam and China to stop their hostilities. America will do everything in its power to end this dispute. We are still trying to ascertain the casualties among American citizens. You will be kept informed of any developments.'
Any follow-ups?
QUESTION: Have you any more on American casualties?
BRYANT: We believe some Americans may have been hurt in the bombing of Cam Ranh Bay. Civilian areas were hit hard there. There are several hundred Americans on the oil rigs in the South China Sea. We don't know what's going on there at the moment. The Chinese have claimed sovereignty over the Crescent Group in the Paracels. They've announced it on their state radio. That's all we've got so far. Sarah.
QUESTION: You say civilian areas were hit hard at Cam Ranh Bay. Do you mean Vietnamese civilian areas in the town, or the quarters for Western workers there? And if so, are they strictly civilian? Aren't they helping the Vietnamese military?
BRYANT: Correct. I'm referring to the foreign quarters. But when you get to bombing homes with children in them, I think we're talking civilian.
QUESTION: Would you consider American oil workers out there on territory captured by the Chinese as being hostages or prisoners?
BRYANT: They are in captivity. We want them freed.
QUESTION: What are our embassies saying in Beijing and Hanoi?
BRYANT: The Assistant Secretary, Bostock, has spoken personally to each of our Ambassadors there.
QUESTION: So what are you saying: they don't know anything?
BRYANT: Our Ambassador to Hanoi is expected to meet with President Tai in a few hours' time. Our Ambassador to Beijing has not been told whether he'll be able to meet with a senior Chinese leader.
QUESTION: Why don't you condemn this definitely as an act of Chinese aggression?
BRYANT: I don't want to get drawn down a road of inflammatory language. China carried out air strikes on Vietnam. As the President said, there have been casualties. He also emphasized that we are friends of both countries.
QUESTION: What actions do you see Vietnam contemplating which would add to the tension?
BRYANT: Well, Barry, I'm not going to speculate about, you know, what we may be anticipating the authorities in Vietnam to do. I mean, one can imagine quite easily all kinds of things which would provoke the Chinese.
QUESTION: I'm trying to understand why you've chosen to volunteer an admonition to both sides.
BRYANT: We've been….We’ve been-
QUESTION: The Chinese are the people who are on the move. The Vietnamese are standing there, shaken a bit and wondering if anybody will help them, and you're telling them: `Don't be provocative.'
BRYANT: Just — John? You got a question?
QUESTION: Where do we go from here? Is this one for the UN or for the Marines?
BRYANT: I don't want to second guess what the President and his advisers are discussing. I'll be here most of the night. I'll let you know if we've anything else to say.
Prime Minister Stephenson read the latest reports from Northwood Permanent Joint Operations Headquarters while waiting for the end of the State Department briefing, then he spoke to the President. The two men agreed that Europe and the United States must show neutrality at this stage. President Bradlay pointed out that America had a security treaty with Japan dating back to 1960. It also had commitments to the Philippines. If China interfered with shipping, particularly oil supplies through the South China Sea, then America would have to send a military signal to Beijing. Carrier groups in the region were on standby.
Shortly after midnight, the British Ambassador to Paris reported that between twenty and thirty French technicians and their families had been killed in the bombing of Cam Ranh Bay. French children were among the dead. The first television pictures would be aired within the hour. France was preparing a statement condemning China. Wentworth, the Foreign Secretary, remarked that France had only taken over the presidency of the European Union in January. There was a danger of it going public against China without consulting its fellow members.
In a telephone conversation Stephenson asked the French President, M. Dargaud, if France could ensure the neutral leadership of the European Union.
The President replied in English: `Prime Minister, French civilians have been killed by Chinese bombs. French people know this. Do you expect me to parrot the American President and say we are friendly with both countries?
No. No. No. My statement is for France, not for Europe. It is for the families of those who were bombed.'
Stephenson repeated his request: `Could France stay neutral at least until there has been a vote in the UN?'
But Dargaud was emphatic: `What can I do? As soon as those pictures are shown, Prime Minister, I have to support Vietnam. Anything else would be political suicide. And you would do the same.'
`In which case, Mr President, can you make it clear you are speaking for France and not the Union,' finished the Prime Minister.
Wentworth, on another line, was speaking directly to the Ambassador in Germany. The Chancellor was about to issue a statement urging restraint and caution. His tone was to highlight the trade which would be lost if the crisis escalated. `Can Germany keep the French in line?' asked the Foreign Secretary.
`Germany will keep its mouth shut when it comes to French citizens being killed in an act of war,' replied the Ambassador.
The meeting room in the Prime Minister's residence was Spartan in appearance. An oblong beech wood table surrounded by armchairs dominated the room. At the head of the table sat Noburo Hyashi, the Prime Minister. On his right sat Yoichi Kimura, the Foreign Minister, and on the Prime Minister's left sat Yasuhiro Ishihara, the Minister of Defence. The three, together with Takeshi Naito (Trade) and Shigeto Wada (Finance), comprised the Defence Committee of Japan's cabinet. Only one official was present and he was General Shigehiko Ogawa, Director, Defence Intelligence Headquarters.
Hyashi was a formal man. He opened the meeting by thanking the ministers for coming at such short notice, then asked General Ogawa to brief the committee on the latest developments in the South China Sea.
`As you all know, China has taken control of the South China Sea,' General Ogawa said. `In the process it has also set out to destroy Vietnam's capacity to retaliate. Our estimates are that the Chinese first strike against Cam Ranh Bay has resulted in the destruction or disablement of 40 per cent of Vietnam's navy.'
`Isn't that the same ratio as what we achieved in the attack on Pearl Harbor?' Hyashi interjected.
`For the navy, yes,' the General replied. `But attacks on the main air force bases were less successful. The Vietnamese saved their aircraft by flying them to Laos and Cambodia. However, the Chinese have the ability to deliver a second strike and we expect them to launch it against the navy within the next twenty-four hours. The Vietnamese do as well. Reliable sources in Vietnam report that the remaining seaworthy elements of the navy are at sea or are putting to sea.'