“What do you mean, Ray?”
“I mean, if those Border Patrol agents were gunned down by a few stoned, desperate, or rambunctious migrant farmworkers with itchy trigger fingers, nothing more will be done about it,” Jefferson said. “But if on the other hand it was some kind of terror group infiltrating through our southern borders, and they retaliated to prevent being discovered or captured, we should retaliate with everything we got.
“If you want to secure the borders and try to prevent what happened last night, sir, let’s do it,” Jefferson went on resolutely. “In my opinion the Border Patrol is not up to the task—in fact, the entire Customs and Border Protection Service is not equipped to secure the borders. They’re a law enforcement unit, not a security one. I’m sure they’ve upgraded their weapons and tactics over the years, but in my mind they’re still the guys on horseback and in pickup trucks cruising the desert looking for Chicanos sneaking into America. The military knows surveillance and reconnaissance the best—let them do their jobs.”
“Putting the military in a law enforcement function is against the law, Sergeant Major.”
“This tasking is not a violation of the Posse Comitatus Act,” Jefferson responded. “I still believe we should be working to repeal Posse Comitatus, but in case it’s not repealed this operation would not violate it. The military would serve a surveillance and interdiction role only, the same as they do with antidrug smuggling operations—the Border Patrol, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, FBI, customs, or state or local law enforcement would make the arrests and conduct the investigations. We can start immediately and have it completed in less than six months.”
“Six months?”
“Secure a mostly open three-thousand-mile border of the United States from illegal entry by groups of persons or undeclared, unidentified vehicles? Yes, sir,” Jefferson said. “It’ll take manpower and technology, but most importantly it’ll take strong backing by the federal, state, and local governments and support from the citizens. But it can be done. A combination of strategic and tactical reconnaissance and rapid-reaction forces strung out across the border, similar to what the Coast Guard and Customs Service do along American waters and ports.”
“Sounds like you’re going to war here, Sergeant,” Kinsly said.
“It’s ‘Sergeant Major,’ Mr. Kinsly, not ‘Sergeant,’” Jefferson said, affixing a warning glare and voice inflection that were not so subtle as to be overlooked by the Chief of Staff. “Large numbers of unidentified, heavily armed gunmen coming across the border and killing Americans—it sounds like war to me too, sir.” To the President he said, “If you want action, sir, this is what it’ll take, in my best estimation. I can’t guarantee a few terrorists or illegals won’t slip through, but with proper backup and support from state and local agencies I think we can get the job done.”
The President remained silent, which prompted Kinsly to press his arguments even more. “You want plain talk, Sergeant Major? I believe your plan would be a political disaster,” Kinsly said, emphasizing the words “sergeant major” sarcastically enough to elicit another warning glare. “It would outrage Hispanics, liberal politicians, human and civil rights groups, the Mexican government, the governors of the border states, and probably several dozen other groups I haven’t even thought of yet.”
“I don’t report to any of those people, sir—I report to the President of the United States, same as you,” Jefferson said flatly. “The President requested my opinion on how to stop illegal immigration, not how to placate several dozen disparate political groups. That’s someone else’s job.”
“You’re wrong there, Sergeant Major—the political aspects of this office is everyone’s job, just like the military decisions made in this office affect the political landscape,” the President said. “Remember that.”
“Yes, sir, I will.” He scowled at Kinsly, who withered under his glare. “Anything else for me, sir?”
“I’m going to fly out to San Diego to attend the funerals of those Border Patrol agents killed last night,” the President said somberly. “I’ll meet with the directors of the Customs and Border Protection Service and the Immigration and Customs Enforcement Service afterward.”
“I’d like to go along and hear those briefings too, sir.”
“I thought you might. Approved.”
“Thank you, sir,” Jefferson said. “I’d like permission to bring along my own advisers as well.”
“Of course; bring anyone you need. Submit their names to Tom for clearances. Who do you have in mind?” But before Jefferson could respond, the President’s eyes widened, and he said, “Richter and Vega, I presume?”
“Implementing a major border security program with a division-sized task force will take time, sir,” Jefferson said. “I thought it would be prudent to try a smaller task force first. Task Force TALON is already formed; it already has a security and antiterrorist mission and full authorization to gain assets from any active or reserve units necessary; and they’re already located in the southwest.” Task Force TALON was a joint military and FBI counterterrorist strike team led by Ray Jefferson before he became the National Security Adviser; now Major Jason Richter and Dr. Ariadna Vega, formerly of the Army Research Lab, were in charge. “I want to bring in an officer from the National Guard Bureau to listen in too.”
“I thought TALON was disbanded after the Chamberlain fiasco,” Kinsly said.
“Negative, sir,” Jefferson said. “TALON received additional funding from the Departments of Defense and Homeland Security under a secret emergency authorization. Since the Consortium attacks last year, TALON has grown to company size, about two hundred members. They have eight CID squads—sixteen CID units—plus one training and maintenance squad. They operate missions all over the world: they are still active in north and central Africa and Central Asia, hunting down Zakharov and other surviving members of the Consortium.”
Kinsly nodded. “I have to admit TALON is the pride and joy of the nation after what they did in San Francisco and Washington,” he said. “It’ll be a much easier sell to have TALON involved than just saying we’re militarizing the southern border.” But he turned to the President with a serious expression. “But we are militarizing the border—or that’s how it’s going to be perceived in the world, Mr. President. The United States has always prided itself on having unarmed borders. This will erase almost a century of cooperation and coexistence between us and the Mexican government, and it’s almost certain to raise criticism against us, charging bigotry, xenophobia, isolationism, even racism.”
“Before Nine-Eleven, Kingman City, San Francisco, and now these killings near Blythe, I would never consider doing it,” the President said. “Now, I have no choice—something has to be done, and right now.” He looked at both Kinsly and Jefferson. “But I want fresh ideas on the illegal immigration problem, gents,” he said. “I know what the Border Patrol wants: more money for more men and equipment. That’s one solution, but I want new ideas, better solutions.”
“I want to send Task Force TALON in ahead of our visit so they can give us a report after we hear from CBP and ICE, sir,” Jefferson said. “That’ll give them a complete perspective on the situation along the borders.”
“That could be an invitation to disaster, Jefferson,” Kinsly said. “We don’t want any complaints from immigrant or human rights groups. Your task force can hunt down terrorists in the U.S., but they should be directed to keep their hands off any illegal immigrants they find. Let the Border Patrol and Immigration and Customs Enforcement do their jobs.”