“Ray?” the President prompted.
“They can act as observers only, unless they find anyone they consider to be terrorists,” Jefferson said. Kinsly’s expression showed his distrust, but he said nothing, giving tacit approval.
“Thank you, Sergeant Major,” the President said. “Anything else for me?”
“Yes, sir. May I ask what your outburst was about a few moments ago?”
The President smiled and nodded knowingly at Kinsly. “I tell you, Tom, that’s why I hired this guy: he says what’s on his mind.”
“I prefer to think of it as ‘curiosity killed the cat,’” Kinsly said drily.
“Did you happen to catch Bob O’Rourke’s radio show this morning, Sergeant Major?”
“No, sir.”
“But you’re familiar with his show?”
“I’ve heard the name, sir, but I don’t listen to talk radio or TV—in fact, I don’t watch much TV or listen to the radio at all. Never have.”
“Why is that?”
“I’ve got my own theories and ideas, sir, and they’re based on information and sources I know are accurate,” Jefferson replied. “Anything else is propaganda, disinformation, or entertainment.”
“O’Rourke’s radio show has ten million listeners a day on seven hundred stations around the world, plus satellite and shortwave—it’s even streamed live on the Internet,” Kinsly said. “He has an opinion column syndicated in a thousand newspapers around the world. He’s one of the most popular and influential media types in the United States, probably the world.”
Not surprisingly, none of that seemed to impress Jefferson in the least. “Bob O’Rourke and all those radio commentators say what they say to shock or outrage their listeners,” he said. “I see no value in listening to him. If I want entertainment, I’ll visit the senior enlisted club at Fort Myers on payday.”
“Seems like a rather myopic and self-centered view of the world, Jefferson,” Kinsly said haughtily. “You pick and choose what you want to listen to and make decisions based on a limited perspective. Perhaps you need to broaden your exposure a bit more.”
“I serve as the National Security Adviser of the President of the United States, Mr. Kinsly,” Jefferson said, his voice becoming deeper and, both Kinsly and Conrad recognized, more menacing. “I have access to sources and data that I never even dreamed existed, even when I was the former National Security Adviser’s aide-de-camp. With the information at my fingertips now, why would I waste my time listening to a hack like Bob O’Rourke?”
“I listen to his show when I’m near a radio, Sergeant Major,” the President said with a smile. “Do you think I’m wasting my time?”
“Yes, sir, I do.”
Kinsly looked aghast, which quickly changed to rising anger. “Have a little respect for the office, Jefferson,” he said.
But the President only laughed. “That’s why I picked you for this job, Sergeant Major—I know you’ll give me a straight answer every time.”
“That’s my job, sir.”
“It may interest you to know that your proposal is almost precisely what O’Rourke talked about on his radio show this morning.”
The President thought he detected a very slight uptick of a corner of Jefferson’s mouth—which may or may not have been a smile. “Maybe this O’Rourke character has something on the ball after all.”
“Was that a joke, Sergeant Major?” the President asked with mock surprise.
“I’m a military man, sir,” Jefferson said, ignoring the sarcasm. “My perspective has always been and probably will always be from a military perspective”—he glared again at Kinsly before adding—“…not a political or entertainment one. Border security and illegal migration began as a societal and cultural problem, grew into an economic problem, and has now exploded into a national security problem. I’m sure there’s a political element in there too, but I don’t feel I’m qualified to handle that.”
The President raised a hand. “Message received loud and clear, Sergeant Major,” he said. “I hired you for one simple reason: I want straight talk and honest answers. I have no doubt that if we stray into an area that you can’t help me with, you’ll say so and not try to bullshit me.”
“Roger that, sir.”
“Good.” He nodded at the plan Jefferson had submitted and went on, “I’ll staff your proposal and present it to the congressional leadership for feedback, but after what happened down there in Blythe I’m ready to implement your plan immediately. Get everyone ready to go and I’ll give you the go-ahead as soon as possible.”
“Yes, sir.”
The President held up the order. “Have Secretary Lemke or his designee be in overall charge of the sergeant major’s Operation Rampart program, but we’ll put Task Force TALON in charge for now until the forces ramp up. Have Major Richter fly out with me to San Diego aboard Air Force One so we can talk, and afterward meet with the Border Patrol and other Homeland Security folks in southern California.
“Also, draft an executive order implementing Operation Rampart,” the President went on. “We will begin construction of the border security apparatus in four phases: California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. Request an emergency appropriation for the first four years of the California portion of the system, to begin construction of the forward operating bases and procurement of the unmanned aerial vehicles and support equipment immediately. The rest we’ll have to put through the normal budget process. The order will include federalization of the National Guard and Reserves and mobilization of the necessary active-duty personnel and equipment per the plan.” He turned to Jefferson. “Ray, whom do you recommend to oversee the operation?”
“Mr. President, I’ve nominated Brigadier General Ricardo Lopez, the national deputy director for the Army National Guard, for overall command of Rampart,” Jefferson replied. “I’ve received nothing but glowing endorsements from the Pentagon on his nomination, and I recommend his appointment wholeheartedly. I would also like to nominate the deputy director of Customs and Border Protection, Special Agent George Trujillo, to be deputy commander of Rampart. I think this combination of a military commander and a Border Patrol deputy brings the right mix of experience and places the proper emphasis on the mission. General Lopez will report directly to me.”
“Agreed,” the President said. “I want to speak with both men as soon as possible. Set it up, Thomas.”
“Yes, Mr. President,” Kinsly responded.
He looked at Jefferson. “Ray, you said this was a cultural problem that escalated into an economic and then a national security problem. What do you mean?”
“Sir, the basic problem with illegal immigration is much more than Mexicans freely crossing the border looking for work,” Jefferson replied. “It has to do with the perception—many Mexicans would say the ‘reality’—that the United States went to war with Mexico and took their land as a result of the Mexican-American War. In essence, the western half of the United States really belongs to Mexico.”
“Are you talking about the Texas Revolution, Jefferson,” Kinsly interjected, “as in the battle of the Alamo?”
“No, sir. The Mexican-American War was from 1846 to 1848, following the War of Texas Independence,” Jefferson replied. “The Mexican-American War was America’s first conflict fought outside its own borders. We accused Mexico of invading and occupying the United States after the Texas Revolution and we went to war. We ended up with territory that makes up most of the states in the southwest United States—Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, and California: the border states.”