31. See Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, pp. 370ff.
32. See ibid.
33. See Sven Felix Kellerhoff, Hitlers Berlin: Geschichte einer Hassliebe (Berlin, 2005), pp. 74f. See also Stephan Malinowski, Vom König zum Führer (Berlin, 2003), pp. 554f.
34. See Sigmund, Die Frauen der Nazis, p. 245.
35. See Hoffmann, Hitler wie ich ihn sah, p. 136.
36. See ibid., p. 137.
37. See Baldur von Schirach, Ich glaubte an Hitler, pp. 138ff.; Hoffmann, Hitler wie ich ihn sah, p. 137.
38. Goebbels, Vom Kaiserhof zur Reichskanzlei, pp. 142ff.
39. See Gun, Eva Braun, pp. 64–65. See also Maser, Adolf Hitler, p. 317. According to Maser, Ilse Braun personally confirmed this statement to him on March 18, 1969.
40. See Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, pp. 386ff.
41. Hitler left the Karlsruhe airport for Berlin shortly after 10 p.m.; see Hitler: Reden, Schriften, Anordnungen, vol. 4, Teil II, p. 145, document 54.
42. See Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, p. 388, which claims that Hitler interrupted his election campaign immediately after he heard about Eva Braun’s suicide attempt on the night of November 1. Kershaw bases his claim on Maser, Hitler, p. 317. Nerin E. Gun, on the other hand, says that Hitler went directly to see Eva Braun in the hospital after he received an “explanatory farewell letter” from her in the morning mail (Eva Braun, p. 69).
43. Goebbels, Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, Teil I, vol. 2/III, pp. 49f. For the sequence of campaign speeches, see Adolf Hitler, Reden und Proklamationen 1932–1945, ed. Max Domarus, vol. 1: Triumph, 1932–1938, (Würzburg, 1962), pp. 141ff.
44. See Gun, Eva Braun, pp. 65–66.
45. For example, Ian Kershaw, who speaks of “Eva Braun’s presumable suicide attempt,” says that she was in despair about Hitler, who “hardly knew she was alive” (Hitler 1889–1936, p. 388). Alan Bullock writes that “she had no better idea how to get him to care about her,” and that Heinrich Hoffmann “saw through Eva Braun’s game from the beginning” (Hitler and Stalin, p. 502). For Anton Joachimsthaler, the incident was staged in order “to blackmail Hitler” (Hitlers Liste, p. 21).
46. See Gun, Eva Braun, p. 65; Sigmund, Die Frauen der Nazis, p. 246.
47. Hoffmann, “Mein Beruf,” p. 22. Hoffmann claims that Hitler only now started to show “greater interest in Eva Braun,” although “there was no question of it being a real relationship.” In this regard see also Gun, Eva Braun, p. 66.
48. See Sigmund, Die Frauen der Nazis, p. 236.
49. See ibid., p. 235.
50. See Margret Boveri, Tage des Überlebens: Berlin 1945 (Munich, 1968), p. 122.
51. See Hanfstaengl, Zwischen Weissem und Braunem Haus, pp. 286f. See also Ernst Hanfstaengl, Hitler: The Missing Years (New York, 1994 [1st ed., London, 1957]), pp. 194f., where Hanfstaengl claims that all who took part in that evening believed that Eva Braun was merely “a friend of one of the other girls.”
52. See Erika Mann, Wenn die Lichter ausgehen: Geschichten aus dem Dritten Reich (Reinbek, 2006).
53. See “Protest der Richard-Wagner-Stadt München,” Münchner Neueste Nachrichten, April 16, 1933. Quoted from München: Ein Lesebuch, pp. 260ff.
54. See Hanfstaengl, Hitler: The Missing Years, pp. 194–195.
55. Ibid. All the persons named signed his guest book under the date of January 1, 1933; see Sigmund, Die Frauen der Nazis, p. 247. See also Peter Conradi, Hitler’s Piano Player: The Rise and Fall of Ernst Hanfstaengl, Confidant of Hitler, Ally of FDR (New York, 2004); Ronald Smelser et al., eds., Die Braune Elite II (Darmstadt, 1993), pp. 137ff; Wolfgang Zdral, Der finanzierte Aufstieg des Adolf H. (Vienna, 2002).
56. See Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, pp. 395ff.; Karl Dietrich Bracher, “Demokratie und Machtergreifung—Der Weg zum 30. Januar 1933,” in Machtverfall und Machtergreifung: Aufstieg und Herrschaft des Nationalsozialismus, ed. Rudolf Lill and Heinrich Oberreuter (Munich, 1983), p. 25.
57. See Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, pp. 396ff. See also Peter D. Stachura, Gregor Strasser and the Rise of Nazism (London, 1983); Werner Bräuninger, Hitlers Kontrahenten in der NSDAP 1921–1945 (Munich, 2004).
58. Quoted from Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, p. 401. Cf. Hinrich Lohse, “Der Fall Strasser,” unpublished typescript [ca. 1960], Forschungsstelle für die Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus, Hamburg, sections 20–22.
59. Adolf Hitler, “Denkschrift über die inneren Gründe für die Verfügungen zur Herstellung einer erhöhten Schlagkraft der Bewegung,” NS 22/110, BA Koblenz.
60. Max Weber, “Die drei reinen Typen der legitimen Herrschaft,” in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Wissenschaftslehre, ed. Johannes Winckelmann, 7th ed. (Tübingen, 1988), p. 482. Cf. Hans-Ulrich Thamer, Der Nationalsozialismus (Stuttgart, 2002), p. 61.
61. Hitler, “Denkschrift über die inneren Gründe für die Verfügungen zur Herstellung einer erhöhten Schlagkraft der Bewegung.”
62. Max Weber, “Die drei reinen Typen der legitimen Herrschaft,” p. 485.
63. See Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, pp. 414ff.; Henry Ashby Turner, Hitlers Weg zur Macht: Der Januar 1933 (Munich, 1997), pp. 199f.
64. According to the latest research, Joachim von Ribbentrop made contact with Adolf Hitler as early as 1927; during the Nuremberg Trials Ribbentrop stated that he first met Hitler in 1931–1932. See Philipp Gassert and Daniel S. Mattern, The Hitler Library: A Bibliography (London, 2001).
65. See Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, pp. 419ff.; Turner, Hitlers Weg zur Macht, as cited in note 63, above; Wolfram Pyta, Hindenburg: Herrschaft zwischen Hohenzollern und Hitler (Munich, 2007), pp. 791ff.
66. See Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, p. 433.
67. Goebbels, Vom Kaiserhof zur Reichskanzlei, p. 251.
68. Rudolf Hess to Ilse Hess, Berlin, January 31, 1933, in Rudolf Hess, Briefe 1908–1933, ed. Wolf Rüdiger Hess (Munich, 1987), pp. 424f.
69. Estimates of the number of participants range from fifteen thousand to one million. Cf. Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, p. 433; Kellerhoff, Hitlers Berlin, p. 89.
70. See Fest, Hitler, p. 510; Goebbels, Vom Kaiserhof zur Reichskanzlei, p. 253.
71. See Hoffmann, Hitler wie ich ihn sah, pp. 48f.; Goebbels, Vom Kaiserhof zur Reichskanzlei, pp. 251ff.; Kershaw, Hitler 1889–1936, p. 432; Fest, Hitler, p. 510.
72. See Gun, Eva Braun, p. 95.
73. See Klaus Beck, “Telefongeschichte als Sozialgeschichte: Die soziale und kulturelle Aneignung des Telefons im Alltag,” in Telefon und Gesellschaft: Beiträge zu einer Soziologie der Telefonkommunikation, vol. 1 of Telefon und Gesellschaft, ed. Forschungsgruppe Telekommunikation [The Telecommunications Research Group] (Berlin, 1989).