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Such connections between academic and commercial breeders were quite tight in the case of plant breeding, as we saw above when dealing with BRA potatoes and as historians of German plant breeding have already emphasized.[29] These relations were no less close for the case of animal breeding, owing to the specific challenges of transforming domesticated animals into experimental objects. The main problem was the limited number of animals available, which didn’t allow the use of as many specimens as were used in plant breeding. A plant-breeding experiment typically involved at least 20,000 individual specimens, a number that wasn’t possible with domesticated animals.[30] Although Mendelian genetics had played an important role in transforming plant breeding into a respectable academic discipline, a similar transformation seemed more problematic in the case of animal breeding. The interesting thing is how such a limitation encouraged Frölich and other academic breeders to work directly with commercial animal breeders and their associations. It was argued that only by making use of the large numbers of animals that commercial operations made available were academic animal breeders able to treat heredity scientifically.[31]

From 1905 to 1909, before assuming the control of the Halle Institute, Frölich had been responsible for both plant breeding and animal breeding on the Friedrichswert estate, a large commercial farm in Thuringia.[32] The name Friedrichswert was well known among Mitteldeutschland farmers as that of a seed company that had been releasing famous varieties of rye, wheat, root beats, and potatoes since the late 1880s. More interesting for present purposes, this was also the estate that established the Deutsche Edelschwein as one of the most successful swine breeds in Germany.[33] The Edelschwein was the outcome of crossing German landraces with a fast-developing English breed, the Large White, a trend followed by other breeders aiming at producing hogs for intensive operations.[34] In the 1880s the German Agricultural Society (Deutsche Landwirtschafts-Gesellschaft, abbreviated DLG) began to include in its annual contests generic classes such as “crossings with English Large Whites” (“Grosse weisse englische Schläge und Kreuzungen in dieser Form”). In the DLG’s 1903 show in Hannover, the Edelschwein brought from Friedrichswert were granted the status of a differentiated breed. By the end of the 1930s, Edelschwein accounted for 25 percent of the purebred swine registered in Germany.[35]

After becoming acquainted with the Edelschwein at Friedrichswert, Frölich would maintain a lifelong interest in swine breeding. In 1927, he summarized the two swine types available for German breeders this way: “1) the Edel type, precocious, short legged, short headed, round ribs, swelling form, fast development, and early fattening and fast growth; 2) the Landrace type, late maturing, tall form, long head, flat lower ribs, lean muscles, slower development but prolonged growth.”[36] What was at stake in breeding one type or the other was whether pigs were to keep their traditional role as security stock of the farm household, domestic machines for the transformation of leftovers into meat and fat, or if, alternatively, they were to be intensively produced to satisfy the growing demands of pork by urban consumers.[37] Since the end of the nineteenth century, the German market had been flooded with cheap American lard, and as a result there was a greater emphasis in breeding leaner, faster-developing animals (the Edel type) at the expense of fatter, slower-developing ones (the Landrace type). The growing presence of the Edelschwein meant replacing slow, traditional, fat hogs with fast-developing, modern, lean hogs.

But Frölich urged those eager to produce a German equivalent of the modern English breeds to take into account that significant properties might be neglected if only the demands of the market were considered. Fertility and milk output (a proxy for nursing capacity), for example, were important attributes not taken into account by the modernizers. Frölich also pointed out that, whereas the moderate English climate allowed pigs to graze in meadows or to be held in airy stables, in Germany pigs had to spend a lot of time in confined indoor spaces.[38] As a consequence, producing healthy and hardy pigs was much more important for German breeders than for English ones. Finally, there was the question of what to feed swine, which was made only more obvious by World War I. The expensive importing of feed that had sustained the fast growth of leaner hogs before World War I was a thing of the past.

In short, the question was how to balance the demands of the market with the conditions on farms, such as climate and feeding. The veredelte Landschwein (improved Landrace swine) was bred for the purpose of achieving such a balance. As a combination of the previous two types—a mixed type, as Frölich called it—it was bred to be fed on leftovers produced at the farmstead combined with highly nutritious fodders in its early stages, which led to satisfactory development and fattening rates.[39] Like the Edelschwein, the veredelte Landschwein—recognized by the DLG as a distinct breed since 1904—was a product of crossings with English stock, with the difference that some of the characteristics of the German landrace (a larger frame and later maturation) were still recognizable. If the Edelschwein was to supply urban markets with fresh pork, the veredelte Landschwein was to cover the need for sausages and bacon.[40] Not surprisingly, although the veredelte Landschwein ruled in Lower Saxony, accounting for 67 percent of the purebred swine registered there in 1938, the Edelschwein was preferred on the large estates of the east, which focused more on faster returns and on satisfying city dwellers’ increasing demands for pork.[41]

The success of the two races in incorporating the modern traces of the English breeds into German husbandry didn’t owe much to the work of academic breeders, being instead the result of commercial breeders’ practices.[42] But at places such as the University of Halle, sharp distinctions between commercial and academic endeavors were not always easy to make. Gustav Frölich’s experience in commercial operations was shared by most of his colleagues. What makes the case of Frölich so interesting is that his work with Edelschwein at Friedrichswert points to practices that would become the main point of entry into the field of animal breeding for university professors.

It was at Friedrichswert that Frölich began to register the sizes of litters of Edelschwein, concluding from observation of 46 sows producing 1,739 pigs that maximum litter size (8.74) was reached in the second litter.[43] That result was to be contested by further experiments. Three years later, A. Machens, for example, compiled numbers from 362 litters of veredelte Landschwein and asserted that the fourth litter was the largest.[44] The important point here is not to discuss who was right or wrong, but to note the properties the two scholars were registering. Whereas traditional breeders based most of their decisions on the external properties of the animals, Frölich advocated the use of performance records, in this case litter size. Exhaustive records of progeny, he argued, highlighted the value of animals as reproducers and thus established a sounder basis for breeding.

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29

Wieland, ‘Wir beherrschen’; Harwood, Styles of Scientific Thought; Harwood, Technology’s Dilemma.

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30

Hans Nachsteim, “Mendelismus und Tierzucht,” Die Naturwissenschaften 29 (1922): 635–640.

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32

Arthur Golf, “Gustav Frölich,” pp. x–xiii.

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33

Jonas Schmidt, Joachim Kliesch, and Viktor Goerttler, Lehrbuch der Schweinezucht. Züchtung, Ernährung, Haltung, und Krankheiten des Schweines (Paul Parey, 1941), pp. 18–24.

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34

Ibid., pp. 14–23. The Large White, easily distinguished by its picturesque bearing, erect ears, slightly dished faces, white color, pink skin, and long deep sides, was highly valued by breeders for its precocity, growth rate, and bacon production. Breeding stock had been imported into Germany from England since the middle of the nineteenth century by large estate owners. On the global story of the development of English productive breeds, see Sam White, “From globalized pig breeds to capitalist pigs: A study in animal cultures and evolutionary history,” Environmental History 16, no. 1 (2011): 94–120.

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35

Earl Shaw, “Potato fed swine in Germany,” Economic Geography 18, no. 3 (1942): 287–297.

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36

Gustav Frölich, “Zucht und Nutztypen in der Schweinezucht,” Zeitschrift der Schweinezucht 34, no. 6 (1927): 73–77.

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37

The breeding of pigs in Hungary as machines for the transformation of household leftovers is, according to Robert Bud, at the origins of the modern concept of biotechnology. See Robert Bud, The Uses of Life: A History of Biotechnology (Cambridge University Press, 1994).

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38

Frölich, “Zucht und Nutztypen,” p. 74.

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39

Ibid., p. 75.

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40

Schmidt, Lehrbuch der Schweinezucht, p. 24.

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41

Shaw, “Potato fed swine in Germany,” p. 293; Frölich, “Zucht und Nutztypen,” p. 75. In truth it didn’t take long to blur such apparently strong differences. The up and downs of the markets, alternating higher prices for bacon and sausages with better returns from pork, led to the development of different types of both breeds. By the 1920s it was possible to find large, medium, and smaller animals in the two breeds, as well as pork and bacon types in both Edelschwein and veredelte Landschwein. See Schmidt, Lehrbuch der Schweinezucht, p. 24.

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42

This argument is advanced by Brendan A. Matz in Crafting Heredity: the Art and Science of Livestock Breeding in the United States and Germany, 1860–1914 (PhD dissertation, Yale University, 2011).

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43

Gustav Frölich, “Fruchtbarkeit und Geschlechtsverhältnis beim weißen Edelschwein,” Jahrbuch für wissenschaftliche und praktische Tierzucht 6 (1911): 451–454.

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44

Sarah V. H. Jones and James E. Rouse, “The relation of age of dam to observed fecundity in domesticated animals,” Journal of Dairy Science 3 (1920): 260–290.