“Comrades, loyal ministers and generals, there is a saying in the ancient military philosophy of Zhongguo that the government must evaluate not only the enemy, but evaluate itself before pondering the beginning of hostilities,” Paramount Leader Jiang Zemin said. “I am here to inform you that the Party and the government have looked deep within ourselves, at the state of our nation and of the people and our way of life, and we have seen that our nation is being pulled apart piece by piece by the encroachment of the Western world. It is time to end the rape upon our nation, our people, and our way of life. In China, as it should be throughout the world, the government must govern, and that is the will and the task of the Party.
“The disintegration of the state is seen in the usurpation of several regions on the periphery of our nation,” Jiang went on, “including India, Kyrgyzstan, Vietnam, Mongolia, and threats against our Communist brothers in North Korea; and three critical regions belonging to China since the dawn of recorded history: Senkaku Dao, taken from us by Japan in World War Two; Nansha Dao, taken from us by European imperialists and by Asian anarchists and dictators using Western governments as their puppets; and Formosa Dao, taken from us by the Nationalists and now protected by the United States. The Party’s stated goal is simple, comrades: The twenty-third Chinese province of Taiwan will be ours once again. The Party demands that our attack plan against Taiwan be activated.”
The ministers and generals nodded dutifully, but Jiang was surprised to hear applause from the commission! Rising to his feet while continuing to applaud his president’s words was Admiral Sun Ji Guoming, the first deputy chief of the general staff and General Chin’s expected successor. Moments later, other generals followed Sun’s lead, rising and applauding, and even some of the aged ministers clapped, their soft, withered hands making virtually no sound. It was unheard of, totally out of character for a Chinese to express himself so openly, especially a military officer.
“You dishonor yourself by such a pretentious and disrespectful display, Comrade Sun,” General Chin, the chief of staff, said in a low, croaking voice. “Be seated.”
Sun bowed to both Chin and Jiang. “Forgive me, comrades,” Sun said, without being given permission to speak. “But I welcome the Paramount Leader’s words with great joy. I meant no disrespect.” He quickly dropped back into his seat and apologetically averted his eyes — but only for a moment.
“Comrade Sun’s enthusiasm is shared by us all, Comrade Jiang,” General Chin said, after giving Sun a deadly stern warning glance. “Implementing the Party’s wishes will be a challenging but ultimately victorious task. I urge the Central Military Commission to order the aircraft carrier Mao Zedong and its new battle group into position to take Que- moy immediately, so the Taiwanese Nationalists cannot use them as staging or observation bases against us,” Chin said. Quemoy was a large Taiwanese-occupied island just a mile from the Chinese mainland, used as an observation outpost and tourist destination. “We can blockade the island with ease with our task force, cut off their supplies, and starve them into submission. The task force can land five thousand troops on Quemoy right away, and we can eventually move three thousand troops a day onto the island. In two weeks, we can retake the island and claim it.”
Jiang was surprised at Chin’s comments — he expected resistance from the People’s Liberation Army. Bloated, gargantuan, hopelessly encrusted and weighed down with decades’ worth of nameless bureaucrats, the military seemed to require a full ten years of preparation before embarking on the simplest program or operation. Under Deng Xiaoping, Jiang’s predecessor, the People’s Liberation Army had been reduced in size by one-fourth and the militias reduced by almost half, but there were still over three million active-duty troops in China and over two hundred million men and women that could be mobilized for military service.
The centuries-old “sea of humanity” concept of warfighting was being replaced by modern ideas, but it would take several generations to eliminate the old ways — and the old inertia. Chin Po Zihong was a daring leader who truly believed China was destined to rule Asia, but he was not the best tactician. It was Chin who had tried to form an alliance with a socialist government faction in the Philippines; it was Chin who had devised the current alliance among China, North Korea, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Although both programs had ended in disaster, thanks to the United States Air Force, the political ties still held firm, and there was no doubt that China was becoming a major economic, political, and military force in Asia.
“A very positive attitude, Comrade General,” Jiang said. “But what about the Americans? What will their response be? In the past, they have threatened nuclear war with Zhongguo to protect the Nationalists. Only the threat of nuclear war kept us from reoccupying Quemoy in 1958.”
“The Americans have no interest in the region, and they certainly have no stomach for nuclear war,” Chin said confidently. “We have historical and legal rights to Taiwan, a fact that has never been disputed by the Americans. Even after the Philippines conflict, America has no presence in the area. Private American companies assisted us in exploiting the wealth of the region — that is the extent of American presence. As always, their government’s policy is dictated by the capitalist overlords, and for now the capitalists demand that they help us exploit the oil deposits, so they dictate that their government step aside. But now it is our time to enjoy what is rightfully and legally ours.
“The United States will complain of our actions, but the deed will be done, and after time the conflict will be forgotten,” Chin went on in a loud, demonstrative voice. “China invests twenty-seven billion dollars a year in the United States; we are responsible for creating ten million jobs in that country alone. They dare not start a war that might result in our country withdrawing all that economic support. Their carriers are not in position to oppose us. Why? Because they fear our economic power, and they fear an unpopular and costly war for a province they do not care about — Taiwan. The United States wants China united again. They do not want a divided China because they have suffered defeat in every other such conflict in Asia — Korea and Vietnam. They fight for a nation that cares nothing about the United States, and they are defeated. They will not fight for Taiwan.”
There was a general nodding of heads in the commission chamber, Jiang observed — all except Admiral Sun. The Black Tiger had been the most enthusiastic and vocal supporter of the idea of asserting dominance in Asia, now, when the actual framework of a plan was introduced, he was silent. Sun was not brooding or resentful because he had been slapped down by General Chin.
… and then Jiang realized that Admiral Sun actually dared to disagree with his superior officer, in the middle of a Central Military Commission meeting! Sun was still sitting on his hands, not averting his eyes but not meeting Chin’s murderous gaze either. To everyone’s surprise, Jiang turned to the youngest of all his generals and asked, “Comrade Sun, do you agree with General Chin’s assessment?”
Sun moved slowly to his feet, riveting the attention of all. He stood and bowed to Jiang, then said, “Sir, Sun-tzu advises us that being unconquerable lies within oneself, and that being conquerable lies within the enemy. In that regard, I agree with General Chin — we must quickly retake Taiwan, capture and imprison all Kuomintang officials, and heavily fortify it with our best naval, air, and air defense forces. But with all due respect, I do not agree with General Chin regarding an attack on Quemoy, or about the Americans.”