“Good to see you again, Ambassador,” the President said, as he handed the folder to Hartman. The two had met during a Republican Party fund-raiser in Washington a year earlier; Kuo Han-min had been a Taiwanese high-tech aerospace industry trade lobbyist at the time, whose organization had made several very large contributions to the Party to help with Martindale’s election campaign. The President steered Kuo around, where several White House photographers recorded the historic handshake — the arrival of the first Taiwanese ambassador in Washington since the United States had broken diplomatic ties with the exiled Nationalist Chinese government on Formosa in 1979 in favor of the Communist regime on the mainland.
The President made introductions to his other advisors in the room as the photographers departed, then offered him a seat. “Unfortunately,” the President began after everyone took seats, “our first meeting here has to be a working one. We feel your country is in serious danger, and we’d like to fill you in as quickly as possible as to what we know, and discuss what we should do about it. Jeffrey, you spoke with China’s foreign minister just a few moments ago. Bring us up to date.”
Hartman stood behind one of the sofas surrounding the coffee table and said, “Foreign Minister Qian of the PRC says that the movement of ships along the Chinese coast is normal, preplanned activity. As far as any threats towards Taiwan, Qian says, in effect, ‘Mind your own business.’ Any activities between the People’s Republic and Chinese Taipei, as he continues to refer to the ROC, is a quote-unquote ‘internal matter.’ ”
“You told them to keep their hands off the ROC until we can meet and talk about this?” the President asked. “We just recognized the Republic of China’s independence, for Christ’s sake! Attacking them now would be a slap in the face towards us.”
“In no uncertain terms, sir,” Hartman replied. “I sent him your letter, which he had received, and explained that the United States would consider any military action against Taiwan as a seriously destabilizing and overtly hostile act, and would respond with any means at our disposal, including military means, to help bring stability back to the region. I plan on meeting with Foreign Minister Qian in Beijing in three days; hopefully I can get in to see President Jiang as well.”
“Good,” the President said. He stayed at his desk, quietly contemplating something, then rose to his feet and started pacing the floor. “Ambassador Kuo, any thoughts?”
“Sir, President Lee Teng-hui of the Republic of China believes as you do — that an invasion of Quemoy, the Pescadores, Matsu, or even Formosa Tao is imminent,” Ambassador Kuo said. “He has ordered the mobilization of reserves and arming the militia. He is standing firm — he is not withdrawing any troops from Quemoy or Matsu. In fact, he is increasing them — he is flying in a thousand additional troops a day to both islands, and is shipping in additional air defense units. He hasvordered the entire navy at sea to counter the Communist fleet’s movements.” “You’re going to stand up to the Chinese army?” Secretary of Defense Chastain asked incredulously. “Even if the PRC doesn’t invade, your army could suffer substantial losses.”
“We have made the decision to fight and die to the very last man, woman, and child to maintain our independence,” Kuo said resolutely. “We must stand and fight, or die as a country. We have chosen our way.” He paused for a moment, then looked the President square in the eyes and said, “Our concern is not with the Communists, but with the United States. You have declared your support for the Republic of China, but we understand that there is much to be done before you may legally recognize my country.”
“That’s being taken care of, Mr. Ambassador,” the President said. “The bill we sponsored repealing the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act comes up for a vote next week, and we expect to be successful. Our support for the Republic of China is firm and unwavering.”
“Yet we understand that you risk much politically by such action,” Kuo said. “Your country’s trade with the mainland could be in jeopardy— if the Communists shut the United States out, it will cost you at least thirty billion dollars a year. But worse than a trade war is the prospect of military action, of a large Pacific conflict.”
“Ambassador, everyone wants trade with China, so they all look the other way when China does something to one of its neighbors,” the President said angrily. “My father died fighting the Chinese in North Korea when I was a kid — everyone forgets that war and Chinas involvement. Everyone also forgets that we almost went to war—nuclear war — with Red China in 1955 over their bombardment of Taiwan. I was a kid, just getting over the death of my father in North Korea, when mainland China started shelling Quemoy — Jesus, I thought World War Three was going to start any day, that the Communists were going to sweep across the planet just like we saw that red stain sweep across the globe in the propaganda films. Throughout the sixties, Red China was just as much a threat as the Soviet Union — I remember China supporting North Vietnam and China imprisoning American POWs. The Soviet Union and China were both our hated enemies.
“The death of Stalin and Maos break with the Soviets changed our strategy,” the President went on. “In the rush to counterbalance the Soviet threat, we embraced the Chinese Communist government and turned our backs on democratic, capitalist governments like yours. No more. The United States is not going to wait patiently a hundred years for mainland China to adopt a free-market society, and in the meantime sit idly by while they destroy the Republic of China, gobble up oil fields in the South China Sea, refuse to enforce international copyright laws, and threaten free trade with the rest of Asia. America can’t put off the decision any longer: we’re either for an independent, democratic Republic of China, or we’re for the hope that mainland China will keep Taiwan capitalist and free while they absorb you, like they’re absorbing Hong Kong.”
“I thank you, Mr. President,” Kuo said, bowing sincerely, “for your words and for sharing your thoughts with me. But I must still ask about the political realities of your decision; I apologize if I am too forward…”
“Ask anything, Ambassador,” the President urged.
“Thank you, sir. My government is aware of the opposition party’s inquiries as to your actions against the Islamic Republic of Iran, about the rumors that you sent a stealth bomber over China. Since that incident, you have withdrawn all of your carrier battle groups from Chinese waters, despite the threat of a Communist invasion of my country. Is there a threat of a no-confidence vote in your congress or of any legal action that might preclude you from helping in the defense of my country?”
“I appreciate your concern, Ambassador,” the President replied, “but I think I can handle the opposition party. Fortunately, it takes a lot more than a no-confidence vote to get me out of office. Now I’ve got a couple blunt questions for you, Han-min.”
“Of course, sir,” Kuo responded. “Please.”
“We are very concerned about the protests in your country over the Senkaku Islands,” Secretary of State Hartman said. The Senkaku Islands were a series of small, uninhabited islands in the East China Sea between Okinawa and Taiwan, which were claimed by China, Japan, and Taiwan; Japan had taken the islands from China in 1894 and had not relinquished possession after World War II, as it had with Formosa. Taiwan claimed the Senkakus as part of its archipelago. Diplomatic relations between the three countries had been strained for years because of overlapping fishing and oil-drilling rights in the area. “Japanese nationals have been attacked by protesters in Taipei, and no arrests have been made. It will be difficult to support the ROC if we get in the middle of a Japan-Taiwan conflict.”