The undersecretary paused and caught his breath. He gulped before he stated his opinion. “Mr. President, it’s time to acknowledge that North Korea has never been interested in negotiating away its nuclear deterrent. Their goals have always been to bide time, get sanctions removed, or even secure humanitarian aid from the West.
“Of course, we should continue to leave the door open for serious discussions if the situation changes. However, sir, in my opinion, our government does our citizens and the world a disservice if we continually discount the central threat of the DPRK’s nuclear weapons to the stability of the Korean Peninsula, Japan, and our western shores.”
President Helton studied the undersecretary, a young man compared to the elderly military personnel in the room. He was anxious to learn more from him, but an aide had rushed into the room.
“We’ve made contact with the prime minister of India.”
CHAPTER THIRTY-ONE
Tuesday, October 22
U.S. State Department
Washington, DC
Peter had been rushing up and down the halls of the State Department since the news broke about ballistic missiles sailing across the South Asia subcontinent. He raced out of his condo and made it to Foggy Bottom in record time, faster than other journalists assigned to State could ride their subway trains.
The story, and the administration’s response, was certainly foremost on his mind. However, he’d begun to get a nagging feeling that the president, and even the secretary of state, were focused on another nuclear-equipped bad actor, North Korea.
Amidst the chaos in the corridors of the Harry S. Truman Building, Peter hoped to catch a State Department official with his guard down. With the right set of loose lips, they might provide some insight into the Helton administration’s North Korea policy. His ploy worked.
He’d cornered a harried aide to the undersecretary for Arms Control and International Security. The two retreated to her office, where she began to reveal everything she knew. As the conversation began, Peter learned the president had set up a secret task force designed to bypass the intelligence watchdogs and the media. Their purpose was to study the means and justification for attacking North Korea with a first strike.
A preemptive nuclear first strike meant a lot more than being equated with the first ballistic missile to be launched, as had been the case in Iran and Pakistan. Both of those nuclear attacks were ostensibly in response to prior provocations, although most would argue a nuclear response was quite an overreaction.
A first strike was designed to apply overwhelming force against a nuclear-capable enemy with the goal of defeating them by destroying their nuclear arsenal. By doing so, the enemy would be unable to continue with nuclear threats of their own. Targets would focus on missile silos, submarine bases, and other military installations like command-and-control sites. The counterforce strategy had never been employed using nuclear warfare.
No nation had undertaken a first strike although some argue the U.S. attack on Hiroshima fell under the definition. Contrarians argued the bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki were designed to end a war, not to avoid or start one. President Kennedy had been urged to initiate a first strike at the Soviet Union during the Cuban Missile Crisis, but cooler heads prevailed.
Peter’s conversation with the analyst provided him tremendous insight. He probed further with his questioning after his initial success. “Where do they meet?”
“The building where I used to work before coming on board at State. The one with five sides.” She was referring to the Pentagon.
“And the president used an executive order to set it up?”
“Yes. It’s kept hidden from public view on national security grounds. That’s not unusual. What is unusual is the task force’s lack of normal procedures and accountability. They don’t even have to report to Congress.”
“Wow,” muttered Peter. He thought for a moment, and then he asked, “Have they issued any suggestions?”
“Oh yeah,” she replied. “That’s why all of this business in South Asia and the Middle East has me concerned. Even before today’s attack, they’d made up their minds, and they’ve advised the president on their recommended course of action.”
“Which is?”
“A nuclear first strike on the DPRK.”
Peter sat back in his chair. The rumors were true. There was something between the president and North Korea, an issue that might never be made public. Regardless, he’d established a task force to give him political cover.
He asked a pointed question. “Are they creating intelligence to justify nuking Kim?” It was the kind of conspiratorial question that would get him thrown out of a press briefing. He doubted the aide would answer.
“Yes.”
So much for that. He leaned forward.
“Even though the Chicoms might fire back?”
She nodded in response. “The task force believes it can strategically pinpoint targets to take out Kim’s capabilities while minimizing loss of life to the North Korean people. The task force, and the president, I’m told, firmly believes the surgical first strike will be palatable to Beijing, who has been fed up with Kim’s independence of late.”
“What will be the justification?” asked Peter.
“They will manufacture intelligence, with the assistance of our Far East allies, proving Kim’s intentions to fire upon Seoul and Tokyo.”
Peter sighed. He shook his head in disbelief as he imagined the political machinations that took place in the dark recesses of DC.
While Peter paused, she added another thought. “There’s more. The task force believes the North Korean people would be better off.”
“Of course,” said Peter. “With the Kim dynasty taken out, South and North can unify.”
“That’s not what I mean. China wants the territory. Supposedly, just rumor, a back channel has been established between Beijing and the task force, indicating they might be on board with such an operation. It solves a problem for both sides.”
“Can they be trusted? Think about it for a moment. We’re revealing our plans to nuke North Korea to their biggest ally and one of our deadliest enemies.”
She shrugged.
Peter continued with his questioning. “How far along are these discussions? I mean, is something imminent in light of what’s happening in South Asia?”
“Maybe. Maybe not. The president is reportedly warming to the concept of a first strike. He wants to believe the Chinese are on board.”
Peter sat in amazement as to the aide’s blunt honesty. He also contemplated what all of this meant. He had one more question. “What if the task force is wrong?”
“About…?” she asked, her voice trailing off, as she was unsure what part of the conversation he was referring to.”
“The Chinese. What if they aren’t on board and retaliate?”
Her response was blunt, and her calm demeanor was chilling. “Now, that would suck for us, wouldn’t it?”
CHAPTER THIRTY-TWO
Tuesday, October 22
Hayward, California
“So do you guys have the Disaster Alert app installed on your phones?” asked Tucker as they gathered in the kitchen. Each member of the McDowell family had a different way to kick-start their day. Owen needed his coffee, black with a couple of sugars. Lacey wasn’t a coffee drinker, opting instead for a healthy, fruit-filled smoothie. Tucker ate whatever leftovers existed in the refrigerator, or an energy bar. “Everybody at school got a text blast from the school, encouraging us to download it. It covers all kinds of stuff like bad weather, active-shooter situations, and nuclear attacks. I think that’s the real reason.”