[218] Because such a method is used by the «world backstage» to execute power on the local level any attempts to discover and unmask the «world conspiracy» and the agents of the «world government» by detective or police means like it was done by H. Ford always result in absurdity.
[219] In the course of history Russian defence industry and various military supplies warehouses became concentrated on the territory which subsequently came under Soviet control. Those warehouses were so tightly filled that even in the late 1930’s when the «ZiS-3» gun was being developed one of the requirements consisted in the capability of firing 76-mm shells which were left in abundance after Word War I and the Civil War. Complying with this requirement resulted in a lower charge power and inferior performance characteristics.
The reason warehouses were overfilled was that the opposition to the regime of Nicholas II adopted the organisational structure of masonry and sabotaged the war waged by the tsarist regime. Instead it was preparing a coup d’etat to substitute it by a bourgeois republic or a constitutional monarchy that would according to their plan finish the war victoriously. But A. Kerensky turned out to be an agent of the «world backstage» (on this issue refer to the book by N. Yakovlev, “August 1st, 1914”, Moscow 1974; additional issue 3, Moscow, “Moskvityanin” publishing house). He conducted such a political course of the Interim government that would enable Marxist internazis to seize power. To this end he abandoned general L. Kornilov who led the march of front-line army units towards the revolutionary Petrograd and declared him a traitor.
[220] One should keep in mind the following in this connection. In the revolution of 1905 — 1907 all the people of the Russian empire were free in choosing the side they politically supported. Yet immediately after the February revolution, which was timed to Purim (the holiday of Jewish internazism celebrated in the memory of annihilating the national ruling “elite” of ancient Persia), a terror operation was conducted in Gelsinfors — at that time the main base of the Baltic Navy, now Helsinki. In the course of that act of terror guerrillas were killing officers without any legal grounds, and many of those perished people had nothing to be blamed for by lower ranks. Similar terror operations were carried out in the army, and one of the low rank military who killed his officer was conferred an order of St. George by Guchkov (for some time was the military and navy minister in the Provisional Government). Because those acts were committed in the name of revolution, officers who were politically illiterate responded to those mean acts with spontaneous emotions and engaged in counter-revolutionary activity that it was already too late to perform.
This means that many who died fighting in the Civil war on the White army’s side were forced to oppose revolution by Marxist internazis who wanted to prevent it from becoming truly socialist and anti-Marxist. Similarly, Kronshtadt mutiny was organized with complicity of Zinovyev (Apfelbaum) to the end of suppressing the anti-internazism constituent of the revolution. The Kronshtadt mutiny’s slogan was «Soviets without communists!». «Marxists» prefer to be called someone else, including «communists» because they do not want to stain the name of their teacher. The crowd does not bother about the difference between those words and the social and political phenomena which they denominate.
One can read in greater detail about how Russian officers were pushed towards counter-revolutionary activity by internazi revolutionaries in the work by Internal Predictor of the USSR “Exchanging opinions” or in the article by Gerald Graf “The blood of officers” published in the “Slovo” magazine, № 8, 1990, pp. 22 — 25)
[221] One may ask what was the Russian ruling “elite” thinking about when it let that happen? It was as early as the 18th century that it was given a sign in the person of Mikhail Lomonosov (1711 — 1765), a sign showing that they were deeply wrong in giving no chance to get an education to the common people. It was easier for the “elite” to believe that M. Lomonosov was an illegitimate son of Peter the Great than to acknowledge that God gives His divine spark according to His Will paying no attention to the hierarchy of castes established by people, and therefore it is better not to make up those silly hierarchies of personal relationships so as not to stand in the way of God’s Will.
[222] Many of our contemporaries will not be able to understand the reasons for that. Therefore in order to clarify the reasons and goals of the support lent by young workers and peasants to the Soviet regime let us remind you that the lower classes of the Russian empire were almost completely deprived of rights (one should only remember about notes reading «no admittance to park for dogs and people of lower ranks»), including the right of education and personal development, that they had to work like dogs and were paid a wage which did not enable them to satisfy their individual and family needs in the demographically grounded range. As a result of the revolution which was accompanied by maltreatment and economic devastation brought about by the imperial and then Civil War the well-being of most families did not return to the pre-war level (the level of 1913 which was considered as a standard which the USSR’s economic statistics were being compared with almost up to the end of the 1970’s). Yet for young working and country people there opened up new options for personal development and serving the society which were not available to them before 1917. So as you see, there was something worth supporting the Soviet power for and coming forward with initiatives in building socialism.
[223] Things got so serious that Yu. Larin (Mikhail Lurie) came forward in 1929 with a book called “Jews and anti-Semitism in the USSR” which was published simultaneously both in Moscow and Leningrad. There he tried to provide a believable explanation of the «Jewish issue» and to lull the interest common people had for it. He presented it as an inconsistent prejudice inherited from Russia’s past when it was a «prison of nation» where the ruling regime bred strife between nations in order to eliminate the threat of revolution. He also explained their particularly active creativity and their unnaturally large share among the revolutionary parties’ members by the fact that it was their response to the particularly strong oppression of Hebrews on the part of tsarism.
M. Lurie is N. Buharin’s second father-in-law. After the Great October socialist revolution he worked in committees and commissions of the Supreme Soviet of National Economy on financial management, on trade nationalization, on establishing sovkhozi (a kind of collective farms) and others. He died in 1932.
[224] Clearly Trotsky did not understand this and kept trying to be a leader while refusing to get rid of his loyalty to internazism. This is the very reason why he got it on his head with an alpenstock. Had he been a bolshevik he would have lived till his old age like L. Kaganovich.
[225] It is common knowledge how the people of Afghanistan responded to the USSR’s attempt of fulfilling its «international» duty in 1979.
[226] It can be exemplified by the attitude towards the socialist idea shared by people in the Baltic States. In 1917 red Latish riflemen did not even think about something like Latvia’s separation from Russia. They were at one with Siberian riflemen (see the stenograph report on the VI Convention of the RSDLP held in August 1917: “The Proceedings of Conventions and Conferences of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) — Sixth Convention”, Moscow, Leningrad, 1927). After the October revolution of 1917 red Latish riflemen became one of the most reliable supporters of the new state. In one of his articles L. Bronstein (Trotsky) went as far as asserting that had it not been for them, the Soviet power would have collapsed. In 1940 after the Baltic States joined the Soviet Union, what was organized internally by the periphery of internazi «Comintern», protest against the Soviet power and the USSR appeared immediately and was expanding until the collapse of the USSR in 1991.