A. Lebed being a teenager was sitting on a tree during the meeting. When the first bursts were fired, other teenagers like Sasha (then), who had been sitting on the same tree a branch upper and a branch lower, fell from the tree lifeless. Sashe fell down safe and sound, but he remembered this episode for all his life. He remembered about it in August 1991 what Muscovites should be obliged to him for.
As for the rise in prices in post-Stalin period, prices are reduced in national economy as the industry spectrum as well as the consumer satisfaction increase, the way it was done under J. Stalin.
In the antinational economy prices rise independently of the industry spectrum dynamics, as the rise in prices depreciates salaries, pensions, savings and thus makes everyone living by his own labor dependant on the system masters. According to this circumstance E. Gaidar and the «Union of the Right Forces» on the whole, A. Chubais, V. Chernomyrdin, A. Livshits and many-many others would better to hold their tongues and not to say they are true exponents of the democratic idea.
[334] These Molotov’s and Mikoyan’s attempts to justify themselves are just usual servility.
[335] This is a description of a zombie, which is most likely to fit their psyche formation. Every person is responsible for his/her psyche formation him-/herself (and not anyone else): if both of them are zombies, then this is their own and not J. Stalin’s fault.
[336] If the cult of his own personality was disagreeable to Stalin, why should he like the «smaller» cult of Molotov’s personality blossoming under the shade of the cult of Stalin’s personality?
[337] Molotov’s wife’s surname — Pearl — sounds in Russian translation as Zhemchuzhina, which became her party pseudonym and then turned into her surname; she was a Jew by birth. If Molotov knuckled under to his wife, she was imprisoned for revealed anti-bolshevist internazi influence she had upon her husband — a member of the CPSU Central Committee, Politburo and the USSR Minister of Foreign Affairs.
About bed-political women and sex-bombs as weapons of mass destruction see the work “From Human Likeness Towards Being a Human” by the IP of the USSR (first published under the heading of «From Matriarchy Towards Being a Human…”).
[338] Later on Malenkov overlooked, didn’t sense something, thus he found himself in the «antiparty group» together with Molotov. But it’s possible that Khrushchev’s neo-Trotskyists, who knew him very well, didn’t take him into their team and preferred to get rid of him including him into the «antiparty group» of Molotov, Kaganovich and Shepilov, who joined them.
[339] The first impression coming out of the depth of mind, as statistics shows, is in most cases very close to the impartially true one. Everything subsequent is an attempt to justify oneself, an attempt to justify the following Khrushchevism and Brezhnevism, whose nomenclature treated K. Simonov in a quite benevolent way.
[340] I.e. loyal lyric poet K. Simonov was an adherent of the monarchical variant of the power succession provision: where the leader gets a new one inter vivos.
[341] Unlike K. Simonov Malenkov understood that was not necessarily so. And unlike loyal K. Simonov the intra-system mafia was for the second monarchical variant: the «conclave» of «associates» proposes a new leader according to their interests. At the same time they could probably decide when they should bury the former leader. This became apparent in Malenkov’s reaction to Stalin’s suggestion, which would have made the intra-system mafia’s scenario impossible, if there had been Bolsheviks instead of lackeys at the plenary session.
[342] I.e. J.V. Stalin faced the same problem H. Ford had faced, but unlike H. Ford’s problem — Stalin’s one was at the national leveclass="underline"
«But the vast majority of men want to stay put. They want to be led. They want to have everything done for them and to have no responsibility. Therefore, in spite of the great mass of men, the difficulty is not to discover men to advance, but <to discover> men who are willing to be advanced» (H. Ford, “My Life and Work”, chapter 6. «Machines and Men»).
[343] On this subject see the book: Yu. Mukhin “Murder of Stalin and Beria”, Moscow, «Crimea bridge-9D», «Forum», 2002.
[344] But K. Simonov was the only one of several dozens of participants of the Central Committee plenary session in October 1952 who did it, though 27 years after. However he did it on his deathbed, as he didn’t want to go to a better world with a sin upon his souclass="underline" with the sin of concealment of the truth in his lackey silence. He knew the truth, but it was concealed from the rest of the society by the mafia power.
Besides, we should understand, that at the Central Committee plenary session in October 1952 J.V. Stalin didn’t just want to express his ideas supposing that delegates would take them round all the USSR. He really wanted to rely on the inner-Party democracy, but the plenary session participants appeared to be incapable of it. He wanted to see an irreversible result in the life of the party itself, and not only delegates to take his words round the USSR, where they would have no consequences and would soon be forgotten because of the flow of everyday events.
That’s why a similar speech by its matter at one of the sessions of the 19th Congress (which, as it may seem, could have solved the problem of the information expansion in the society in a better way due to a greater number of the participants) didn’t do for J. Stalin’s attempt to rely on the real inner-Party democracy: suppression of the personality by means of psychological gregarious effects would work better in a larger audience. A relatively small plenary session audience could better do for exciting people’s political will - thus in the party there would eventually appear the informal (coming from the people) bolshevist power of simple Party members over the State machinery. But unfortunately it didn’t happen.
[345] «Righteous society made up of rascals», — a proactive characteristic by V. Kluchevsky, which warns about the attempt to introduce a majority of bearers of the crowd-“elitist” psyche algorithmic model into the organizational forms of Socialism. It’s desirable to think of it every time when the matter concerns various abuse of power at the time of Stalin’s Bolshevism.
[346] Subscription publications were distributed almost in the way newspapers and magazines are distributed now by means of subscription. The only difference is that one part of subscription publications was delivered to the customer’s place by post, and the other part was distributed through a network of bookshops, where they took stocks of the subscribers and the receipt of the editions they ordered. Correspondingly, a more-than-one-year delay of the regular volumes edition of the subscription publication of J. Stalin’s works couldn’t but go unnoticed and evoke perplexity in rather large sections of the public in all the USSR cities.
[347] Is it possible that the «all-powerful dictator» didn’t understand what was going on? or he was going to live forever and thus postponed the publication of the final version of his collected «revelations» to chronologically uncertain «next time»?
[348] «We’ve endured too much during the last 15 years», — in this way the US National Security Council directive 20/1 of August 18th, 1948 characterizes the period beginning from 1933, when Trotskyists-internazis’ undivided power in the USSR was broken off by Stalin’s Bolshevism. Extensive extracts from this US National Security Council directive under the name «Our Aims Concerning Russia» are cited in the book «The CIA against the USSR» by N. Yakovlev.
[349] Though a greater part of these works was published in the periodical press, the historical experience proves that books and especially collected works are more effective means of information transmission to descendants than separate periodical editions due to two circumstances: first, books are statistically better preserved on library bookshelves (and first of all in home libraries) than newspapers and magazines; secondly, the concentration of significant information is substantially bigger in books and especially in collected works than in longstanding periodicals filings.