[405] At that time it was called «bourgeois regeneration».
[406] Though one should not delude oneself. If Trotsky’s wing of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party won, bureaucracy headed by L. Bronstein would come to power. In his «Letter to the Party Congress» V. Lenin accused him of «excessive enthusiasm for purely administrative aspect». It was accusation against L. Bronstein (Trotsky) of the “elite” bureaucracy: representatives of the upper stratum of bureaucracy misuse their right to express more or less good wishes. Without having mastered practical knowledge and skills they entrust their subordinate «specialists» who are to have these skills and knowledge, with all the work to realize these wishes (which may really be good). Actually the «specialists» may not have any knowledge and skills due to the bureaucratic management style. They are rejected the right to participate in the activity of the upper layer of the hierarchy, as well as the right to criticize the upper bureaucrats personally, let alone drawing conclusions or inferences for future.
Many pressmen and mass media in general claim for their sole right to express their more or less good wishes. They claim for the right to call to account by means of public denunciation for a real or imaginary abuse of power owing to pressmen’s ignorance in matters they express their opinion about. Accordingly these claims are one of the gravest and most dangerous types of bureaucracy, for it is informal bureaucracy.
[407] This way K. Marx explained in good time who created the cult of personality of J.V. Stalin in the Soviet society for what reasons and purposes.
[408] As if adding to Marx’s words V. Belinsky gave the definition of a crowd that we have already mentioned: it is a «gathering of people living by tradition and judging by authority». Accordingly bureaucracy is not elite, though it rules, but a crowd, «a senseless people». Belinsky is precise in his definition: he criticized «judging by authority», but did not touch upon the personal aspect of every single bureaucrat. Many people reproach the USSR IP for recognizing no authority. His is not true. The USSR IP acknowledges certain personalities impact on the history and recognizes their authority in this sense. But the USSR IP is against «judging by authority» on the ground that every person has to act according to particular features of the age. That is why the USSR IP suggests substituting the culture of thinking for «judging by authority». It would give everyone an opportunity to get rid of intellectual dependence.
[409] In 1970 — 1980 it was the most widely used edition. It became the last one published in the USSR.
[410] This word is that of «intellectuals» and does not describe the point precisely unlike a coarse vulgar word. The point is that whatever name we give to this person a toady cannot overcome his sex instincts. Sex instincts of a Homo Sapience aim at maintaining vitality of the species in the biosphere. According to this function a woman is made unconditionally psychologically dependent on children, while a man is made unconditionally psychologically dependent on a woman. And women show their demonic character to misuse men’s instinctive subjection to them. As a result men often reveal their mistresses will which in not always wit and socially responsible.
However in civilized society of crowd-“elitism” this unconditioned instinctive subjection of men to women and subjection of women to children is restrained by cultural factors. This problem is analyzed thoroughly in the USSR IP’s works such as “From Human Likeness Towards Being a Human”, “Principles of Personnel Policy belonging to a sate, an «anti-state», a social initiative”, and the Supplement to “The Sufficiently common theory of control” in separate editions beginning from the year of 2000.
[411] As mafia makes a hierarchy in real life of crowd-“elitism” society and biblical teaching dominates over society, bureaucracy inevitably falls into admiration of zids. In the end it serves «world biblical backstage» to the detriment of their own people and their development potential.
[412] Referring to Lenin’s definition of a social class well known in the Soviet period, it was clear even at that time that bureaucracy in the USSR was becoming a social class, an exploiter parasite antisocialist and anticommunist class.
«Social Classes. “Classes are groups of people, which differ in their place in a certain historic system of social production, in their relation to means of production (stated in laws), in their role in the social labor organization, therefore they differ in the ways they get their share of public welfare and its proportions. Classes are groups of people one of which can misappropriate the other group’s labor due to the difference in their positions in a certain structure of national economy”. (V. Lenin. The Complete Works, edition 5, volume 39, page 15.)» (Cited from the “Big Soviet Encyclopedia”, edition 3, volume 12, page 280; reference to “The Collected Works” of V. Lenin, to “The Great Start”).
As the saying goes, guilty conscience needs no accuser. So the Big Soviet Encyclopedia tries to justify the Soviet Party bureaucracy of Khrushchev and Brezhnev periods mainly to continue «explaining» the point:
«This definition was given by V. Lenin referring to classes of an antagonist society. Their relationship leads to class struggle inevitably. Yet classes still exist in socialist society that has eliminated exploitation of <people by parasites>…»
This was to be understood in the following way: there are only single manifestations of some officers’ bureaucracy that make semblance of bureaucracy really existing. There is no parasitic bureaucracy but a body of managers who come of common people and who are still a socially useful working group of population.
V. Lenin made a vitally valid definition of the term «social class». Besides even before the Russian Revolution in his book «State and Revolution» he wrote (with G. Apfelbaum-Zinoviev as his co-author) openly that bureaucracy was hostile to the essence of the Soviet power. It was so fair and persuasive that during the period after Stalin’s rule corresponding fragments were never discussed at party studies or within courses of social science in higher educational establishments. If anybody referred to them in the course of a seminar on his/her own initiative the leader would fall into tedium and try to change the subject immediately, to go on break or to close the seminar:
«By the example of the Commune <of Paris, 1871> Marx showed that under socialism officials are not «bureaucrats», «officers» any longer as any time replacement alongside with appointment by election is introduced, as WAGES RAE BROUGHT TO AN AVERAGE OPERATING LEVEL and parliament institutions are replaced by working ones <parliament: parler (Fr) — to speak, i.e. parliament is a speaking club, mostly speaking to no purpose>, i.e. making laws and carrying them into effect. […] In practical measures of the Commune Marx saw THE TURNING POINT THAT OPPORTUNISTS ARE AFRAID OF AND DO NOT WANT TO ADMIT BECAUSE OF THEIR COWARDICE AND UNWILLINGNES TO BREAK UP WITH BOURGEOISIE...» (put in capital letters by the authors).
We would like to draw your attention to the fact that practical measures of the Commune of Paris are basic to their description by classics of Marxism, i.e. they also come from life, not from Marxism. From the standpoint of the Sufficiently common theory of control reducing managers’ wages to the average level in productive industries the Commune of Paris tried to close feedback of social management on the working majority, turning them to high-yielding groups of “elite”, both national and transnational. The Commune crashed, because people who agreed to run the management on the offered conditions did not have the necessary qualification, while those who had it demonstrated arrogance of the “elite” and regarded Paris workers as rowdy crowd to be brought to their level. So they turned MORALLY UNREADY to manage society by concerns of the majority’s life and at the same time to live as an average family.