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Tonight, Glorious, hopefully having landed her mobile force, would be steaming at speed northwards: with her screen and replenishment ships, she would be resuming her ASW role which was badly needed up here. The SSN'S reports on westbound Russian submarines were being wasted if the enemy was allowed to escape through the gaps for their Atlantic stations. Poised up here, with STANAVFORLANT in support, Glorious' Force Q was also an added deterrent against an enemy attack on the oil rigs. Trevellion pursed his lips: at this moment he would prefer any employment other than that of an oilman on those desolate, defenceless platforms.

'Nimrod Lima is reporting her position, sir,' the PWO (Air) was saying. McKown shook his head. 'Wouldn't care to be in his shoes, would you, Julian?'

'They're a gutsy lot,' the PWO (Underwater) replied. 'Sitting ducks.'

'I wonder how long the RAF will be able to keep up the LRMPS?' the captain posed. 'But even one Nimrod's better than none.'

It was 1509 precisely when Force Q'S radio link came on the air. Glorious was taking up her station, screened by the DDO, Sheffield, and the frigate, Brilliant; in company was her replenishment ship, Regent, and Grey Rover, her oiler. Glorious was flying the flag of the ASW Group Commander. Although operating now wholly in her ASW role eighty miles to the north-west, the Rear-Admiral would not be taking COMSTANAVFORLANT under his command. Each force would act independently but in concert with the other. This resulted in a disposition signal from Commodore dispersing his ships over a wider area. Icarus was ordered forthwith to open twelve miles further to the southeast; this fresh disposition placed her nearest to the Norwegian coast but further than the remainder of the Force from the expected encounter with the enemy's surface fleet. She was in station by 1605.

'Feel a wee bit lonely,' the first lieutenant said when he came into the ops room on his evening browse. 'We're a long way from home, sir.'

Trevellion smiled. 'But nearer to the action, Number One.' He tapped the command display in front of him. 'We're only 118 miles from Tromso.'

The intercom from the radio office broke in:

'Captain, sir, Chief Radio Supervisor here. We've just picked up a special BBC announcement, one we missed last night. The Prime Minister is speaking to the nation in seven minutes.'

'Thanks. Relay it on the general broadcast.'

'Aye, aye, sir.'

They remained at their quarters, every man silent as the Prime Minister's voice issued clearly through the loudspeakers. Trevellion surreptitiously regarded his team.

'I have just been on the telephone with the Head of the Soviet Government,' the Prime Minister was saying without emotion. 'I asked him why he, in the name of the Russian people, was invading the territory of northern Norway, I will repeat to you, my British listeners wherever you may be, the seven main points in his explanation to me of the Russian aggression:

'First: the Americans have refused to withdraw their reinforcements from Iceland, which were landed against the wishes of the Communist government of the Icelandic people. We Russians warned the West that we would regard the American action in Iceland as provocation and as military escalation against the Soviet Union unless the American reinforcements were withdrawn within twenty-four hours. The United States refused.

'Second: the Soviet Government realizes that everyone agrees on one fundamental fact: the peace of the world depends upon the strategic nuclear balance of terror between the two Super Powers. The Soviet people know that the American SNBM submarines are based on the west coast of the USA, four thousand miles away from Russia. But our Delta is, Delta IIs and Yankee-class SNBM submarines are based in the Kola inlet only 150 miles from a major NATO power which keeps us under constant surveillance. We cannot tolerate this menace to our security; this inequality is upsetting the strategic nuclear balance. The only way to ensure world peace is to restore stability. It is essential for our security to have a " cordon sanitaire". We must have the Troms region — so we've taken it.'

The silence in the ops room which followed the Prime Minister's words was profound: no one moved, no one spoke. The calm and measured voice continued:

'The Soviet President went on to enlarge his argument with me.

'Three: the Finnish people, who for a long time have been frightened by Norway's aggressive posture, have asked us for protection: we have given it them.

'Four: if America continues to escalate the crisis, she must not be surprised if the Soviet peoples' massive military power is not used to its ultimate limit. The Soviet peoples, having won the Nazi war by the sacrifice of over twenty million of its citizens, are used to suffering.

'Five: the people of the United States should also be reminded that we have targetted thirty-five major, unprotected American cities. In Russia, there are only nine comparable cities. These are all now " hardened " to withstand nuclear attack.

'Six: our terms are very reasonable: Accept that we shall remain in Northern Norway. We shall not advance further. We don't need to.

'Seven: if the West persists in continuing with hostilities we shall fight it out at sea with you. Neither side can gain by devastating Europe in a nuclear exchange.

'Eight: the issue must be decided at — sea. All EEC nations would prefer this alternative to the total annihilation of their countries.

'Nine: if you use the nuclear deterrent against the Soviet Union, there will be world devastation. Even so, the Soviets will win. In one immense attack, one colossal effort, we will go all out for real and lasting world peace, universal and complete disarmament.'

Once more, only the whisper of the carrier wave disturbed the silence in the ops room.

'Her Majesty's Government is in unanimous agreement as to the response it should make to this blackmail. With the support of the American people, we will not fail our friends. We say to the Head of the Soviet Government: " Return inside your own borders. We shall do all in our power not to escalate this crisis, but liberty for us is of the spirit: freedom of worship, speech, of association between all peoples of the world; freedom from want, from fear, from war — we prefer to die rather than to live under the monstrous system you are determined to impose upon all peoples on this planet. We shall never surrender.'

There was a long pause before the Prime Minister went on: ' I must warn you, my fellow patriots, there's work to be done. Every step that we can take for our own protection must immediately be put in hand. With such terror loose in the world, we must be prepared for what our military leaders term " the preemptive strike". The British are at their best in adversity. Let us show the world we are of the same breed as that of our fathers who lined the beaches in the days of 1940. And now, may God protect us all.'