“I think we can expect in excess offorty-five from among our group and Louis’ supporters,” Robertsaid. “And we’ve already got you on the Executive Council,” Hinckssaid to Robert.
Robert looked over at Marc. “And I’ve got togive you a proper explanation of why I agreed to enter a cabinetwith Tories like William Draper, and you’ve been tactful enough notto ask.”
Marc smiled, and waited.
“Well, I feel I can best promote the notionthat the cabinet as a whole is responsible to the majority opinionof the Assembly from within. It’s obvious that sooner than laterthe harmony of the cabinet — representative of every faction, itseems — will not last. The Governor will propose legislation thatwill be rejected by our alliance in the Assembly and bring mattersto a crisis point. When a stalemate ensues, I will suggest stronglythat Mr. Poulett Thomson, or Lord Sydenham as he’s now known,dissolve the Executive and form a new ministry reflective of theReform group that controls the Assembly.”
“He’ll be compelled to support responsiblegovernment in fact, if not in principle,” Hincks added. “And thatwill make it almost impossible to retreat to the old way of doingthings.”
“The Tories are counting on our alliance tocollapse, once the French get here and find themselves in athoroughly English milieu,” Robert said.
“But we’ve got Louis LaFontaine in our camp,eh?” Marc said.
And as if on cue, LaFontaine entered theroom. And commanded instant attention. He was unusually tall — almost Marc’s height — a sort of tallish Napoleon, for he wore hishair brushed forward like Bonaparte’s, and his left hand oftenfound its way into his jacket, much as the Emperor’s had wheneverhe was posing. Whether this was a nervous tic or a deliberategesture was a matter of debate amongst those who knew Louis. But itwas the stillness at the centre of him that commanded respect, aquiet fortitude, an unflinching quiescence that bespoke authorityand fierce conviction. At his side was a short, middle-aged, darkcomplexioned fellow with a large nose and bushy eyebrows.
Louis was greeted by those around the table,and he in turn introduced his companion. “This is Gilles Gagnon, mysecretary and my right-hand man,” he said in slightly accentedEnglish. “You’ve heard me speak of him before.”
“Welcome, Monsieur Gagnon,” Robert said,rising to shake his hand.
“Gilles, please,” Gagnon said, smiling.
“Well, please take a seat, gentlemen. We’vegot plenty of business to discuss,” Robert said, and proceeded tointroduce Marc and Hincks to the newcomer.
The meeting got underway with no furthersmall talk. Robert reviewed the situation in the ridings of CanadaWest, where the Reform party expected to garner twenty of theforty-two seats. The rest would be split among the Conservatives,or moderate Tories, the diehard Tories, including the Loyal OrangeLodge, the extreme Reformers or Clear Grits, and variousindependents. Robert then turned to Louis.
“The rouge should take twenty-five ormore seats,” Louis said, “with the rest split evenly among theEnglish and French Conservatives.”
“Is there any chance the French will alignwith our Conservatives or Tories?” Hincks asked.
“Not a chance,” Louis said. “They aredetermined to act as a rump group only, as defenders of all thingsFrench. They have no interest in the new economy or the Britishmonarchy.”
“So it’s certain that our moderate Reformersand your rouge Nationalists will form the single largestgroup in the new Assembly?” Robert said.
Louis hesitated. “That is true, but I’mafraid that is only if I can hold our own people together and bringthem with me to your side, Robert.”
“There’s trouble in the ranks?”
“I’m afraid so. John Neilson is leading arump group of Ultra-Nationalists who want no truck with the Englishor with the union. They are planning to come here after theelection in April not to protect French rights and culture but tosee that the new Parliament does not work.”
“And he’s recruiting among your people?”Hincks said.
“He’s already wooed two or three to his campwith the prospect of many more. He’s using my own words againstme.”
LaFontaine had consistently railed in publicagainst the unfair terms of the union, whereby Quebec got the samenumber of seats with a third greater population and was saddledwith Upper Canada’s debt. Moreover, French, while technicallyallowed to be spoken in the Assembly, would not be made part of thepermanent record. However, Louis, earlier on, had been won over tothe potential of Baldwin’s idea of responsible government asproviding the only plausible avenue for Quebec gaining its demands.He was in favour of the union but not the terms. Neilson hadexploited that nicety and was stumping Canada East calling for acircling of the wagons. And was being listened to.
“If your group splits, we are finished,”Hincks said.
Robert looked grim. “I’ve been able to keepmy supporters on side by promising them a majority in the Assembly.If word leaks out that that is in jeopardy, the results could becalamitous.”
“But you are still the foremost politician inQuebec,” Marc said to LaFontaine.
A small, appreciatory smile played at thecorners of Louis’ mouth. “I am not without resources, ortactics.”
“You have a plan to stop the bleeding?”Hincks said.
“Yes. That’s why I brought along Gilles thismorning.”
Gagnon smiled broadly.
“Gilles has come up with an idea we want torun past you.”
Gagnon looked around the table and said inFrench, “My English is not good enough to express what I have tosay today. Would Monsieur Edwards be kind enough to translate forme?”
Marc nodded, and as Gagnon spoke and pausedjudiciously, Marc translated his remarks for Hincks and Robert,even though they could understand quite a bit of French if it wasspoken slowly.
“Since Louis has lost favour with some of ourcomrades in Quebec, we decided we needed another spokesman, someonewith battlefield credentials and political weight. We identifiedHenri Thériault. He was wounded at the Battle of St. Eustache in‘thirty-seven, trying to prevent the English militia from blowingup the church. He escaped to Montreal, where he was successfullyhidden away from the troops in search of him. Before the rebellion,he was a member of the Assembly and a confederate of Nelson andPapineau. He now lives near Chateauguay on his family’s farm. Iwent to visit him last week. I laid before him our ambitious planto make the union and the new Parliament work in our favour. He hasgreat respect for Louis, but naturally hates the English. His ownfarm, near St. Eustache, was razed and his wife and childrenterrorized. But I put our case forcefully. I told him he did nothave to love the English, that Monsieur Baldwin was a man of greatcharacter and fortitude and would help us move towards a kind ofgovernment that would have to carry out the true wishes of thepeople, including those in Quebec. We talked of reparations andmoves to preserve the French language and education. He was quitetaken with the details of the alliance that I conveyed to him.”
“And he’s agreed to be our spokesman?” Hinckssaid in French.
Gagnon sighed. “Alas, no.”
“But we thought — ”
“All is not hopeless,” Gagnon said. “It’strue that Neilson had also been in touch with Thériault, trying,like us, to get him to come out of his isolation and fight forQuebec. Even the bleu had approached him. You see howvaluable he is thought to be as a spokesman for those who’vesuffered most from the failed rebellion. He is a charismaticspeaker when he puts his mind to it.”
“So he didn’t give you a flat ‘no’?” Robertsaid.
“He said he was intrigued by our plans. Butalso said he is seriously considering Neilson’s offer of contestinga safe seat in the April election. He’s going to make up his mindwhether to join him or us in the next week or so.”