"She needs to be indicted," Smith told him. "Right away. I want her to be in handcuffs in the jail by this time tomorrow."
"Well, sir," Hayes said reasonably, "I'd really love to oblige you of that, but the simple fact is that I don't have anything to indict her with."
"She admitted taking bribes on live Internet," Smith reminded him, as if he were an idiot. "Don't you remember? During her little portion about how our political system works?"
"Well, yes, I remember," he responded. "And while it is true that that is an indictable offense, it might not be such a good idea to pursue that avenue at this time."
"Why not?" Smith demanded.
He gathered his thoughts for a moment, trying to formulate the proper way to say this. "Because," he said, "those... bribes as you call them, were actually campaign contributions put into her political account. The other... uh... offerings, the ones that went into her personal account, while they went unreported and are technically bribery, they all came from your corporation and her other sponsors. If I indict her for receiving them then I will be forced to indict your corporate officers and your lobbyists for giving them. To tell you the truth, that seems rather counter-productive."
Smith paled just the tiniest bit, obviously shaken by what he was being told. It would seem that he hadn't thought of this yet. "But... can't you arrange it so that doesn't have to occur?" he asked.
"Unfortunately, no," he said with just the proper hint of regret in his voice. "While we can bend the law quite broadly in the interests of WestHem security, we cannot bend it quite that much. Especially not in a case such as this, where a popular politician is the target. If we bring up the bribery issue we'll be opening up a huge can of worms."
"I see," Smith said, glaring. "Then what is to be done about this... this... greenie? Surely she is not going to be allowed to get away with this. What does my company pay you people taxes and contributions for?"
"Well of course we will launch an immediate investigation into the Whiting matter," Hayes assured him. "Believe me, we won't be standing idle on this. I intend to assign no less than fifteen of my best agents to this case and they will go over everything that Whiting has done in the last year. We'll search out any unauthorized Internet calls from government terminals. She was campaigning for governor. Surely she has done that — they all do. We'll look into her finances again and find out if she's getting wholesale prices because of her position. We'll find something on her. And even if we don't, we'll be watching her every move from here on out, waiting for her to do something wrong. She's not a saint, sir, there has to be something and we will find it."
"Good," Smith said, calming a little. "And make it fast. Getting rid of that greenie needs to be your highest priority."
"And it will," he said. "But in the meantime, might I suggest that you pursue things from the political angle as well. Get your lobbyists together and get the other corporations to do the same. Have them pressure the legislature to do just as Whiting surmised they would do and impeach her. Misrepresentation shouldn't be too hard to prove — after all, she's certainly not what the people elected to office, is she?"
"No," he said, "she's not."
"And of course you're not really worried about the public pressure on the legislative members that she tried to foment, are you? If you are, maybe..."
Smith scoffed at the very motion. "The ignorant greenies on this planet are completely incapable of doing what she told them to do. That was actually the most amusing part of her little speech. Greenies organizing a recall vote? Ridiculous."
"So you see?" Hayes said, smiling a little. "Things are well under control. You attack her from the political level and we'll attack her from the legal angle. She'll be impeached within a week and then we'll indict her and send her to prison for a year or so. That'll serve to get rid of the problem and make any of the other greenie politicians that might consider such a thing in the future do the same."
Perhaps the only politician who was absolutely delighted by what Laura Whiting had done was the one who had the most to gain by it. Scott Benton had been sworn in as Lieutenant Governor of Mars about thirty minutes after Laura Whiting had left the stage. Though he had had a great speech planned — a rambling twelve-page jerk-off about how he was going to work through the differences that he and the Governor had to strive for a better tomorrow — he had been unable to give it due to the unusual circumstances of the Whiting inauguration. After that the reporters had all left to go compose their stories, taking their cameras with them, and the legislature had voted an early recess to the gathering to give themselves time to return to their offices and think about the spectacle that they had witnessed. Benton's swearing in had been in front of less than twenty witnesses and hundreds of empty chairs, without a doubt the most unceremonious inauguration of a Lieutenant Governor on record.
Benton didn't care and in fact had never been happier about anything. He muttered his oath before the associate judge, making himself official, and then he immediately headed upstairs to his new office to begin his work. Whiting had actually thrown the Governor's office away. She had actually insulted and abused her own sponsors on live Internet before millions of people. Amazing, simply amazing. And now that she had done this he had no doubt that he would be sworn in by the senile old judge as Governor within days. There was no way that that bitch Whiting would be allowed to survive this.
A third generation Martian haling from New Pittsburgh, Benton had the cleverness of his people but the ambition of the Earthlings. The son of a MarsTrans chief lobbyist, he had chosen politics as his profession while he had still been in the private high school where he received his secondary education. He had always had a keen ear and a warm way with people and he had developed the instincts that went with the job well before graduating from the University of Mars at NP with his degree in political theory. By the end of law school he had already been marked by the powers-that-be (namely MarsTrans and Tagert Steel) as an up and coming star to be reckoned with. He had done two terms as an NP city councilman and one as mayor before moving into the legislature — the true springboard to high politics on Mars. He had made many friends among the people who counted as he worked his way through three terms on the legislature but had been derailed in his path towards the Governor's office by Laura Whiting, whose power and influence had always been just a few steps higher than his own. Whiting had a way of getting things done — she had pushed through the Martian Planetary Guard all of those years ago, had led the fight against the feds to have anti-bombardment emplacements installed in all of the cities, had pushed through a dozen or more anti-crime bills — and she was much loved by the Martian people because of this. He and his sponsors had known that running against such a popular candidate would be an exercise in futility and a huge waste of money so instead he had been encouraged to run for the number two spot which, by Martian constitutional rules was completely separate from the Governor's race. That he had won easily enough and he had been prepared to settle in for an unpleasant four to eight years under Whiting's thumb before he had another shot at the big spot. But now, Whiting had just handed him the Governorship after less than one hour in office. Amazing. He would have to remember to thank her as she was led away in handcuffs by the feds.
His staff members had set his office up the day before and he was not in there for more than two minutes before the first of the calls came in. It was from Robert Flanders himself, the CEO of operations for MarsTrans, which owned and operated eighty percent of the rail services, both passenger and freight, on the planet.