Fidel Castro, 1960.© Bettmann/Corbis
The Cuban Revolution achieved major advances in health and education, though frankly sacrificing economic efficiency to social objectives. Expropriation of most private enterprise together with Castro’s highly personalistic dictatorship drove many members of the middle and upper classes into exile, but a serious decline in productivity was offset for a time by Soviet subsidies. At the same time, thanks to its successful defiance of the United States—which tried and failed to overthrow it by backing a Cuban exiles’ invasion in April 1961—and its evident social advances, Castro’s Cuba was looked to as a model throughout Latin America, not only by established leftist parties but also by disaffected students and intellectuals of mainly middle-class origin.
Over the following years much of Latin America saw an upsurge of rural guerrilla conflict and urban terrorism, in response to the persistence of stark social inequality and political repression. But this upsurge drew additional inspiration from the Cuban example, and in many cases Cuba provided training and material support to guerrillas. The response of Latin American establishments was twofold and eagerly supported by the United States. On one hand, governments strengthened their armed forces, with U.S. military aid preferentially geared to counterguerrilla operations. On the other hand, emphasis was placed on land reform and other measures designed to eliminate the root causes of insurgency, all generously aided by the United States through the Alliance for Progress launched by President John F. Kennedy.
Even though much of the reactive social reformism was cosmetic or superficial, the counterrevolutionary thrust was nonetheless generally successful. A Marxist, Salvador Allende, became president of Chile in 1970, but he did so by democratic election, not violent revolution, and he was overthrown three years later. The only country that appeared to be following the Cuban pattern was Nicaragua under the Sandinista revolutionary government, which in the end could not withstand the onslaughts of its domestic and foreign foes. Moreover, the Cuban Revolution ultimately lost much of its lustre even in the eyes of the Latin American left, once the collapse of the Soviet Union caused Cuba to lose its chief foreign ally. Although the U.S. trade embargo imposed on Cuba had been a handicap all along, shortages of all kinds became acute only as Russian aid was cut back, clearly revealing the dysfunctional nature of Castro’s economic management. Political alternatives Movement toward democracy
The Latin American countries that did not opt for the Cuban model followed widely varying political paths. Mexico’s unique system of limited democracy built around the Institutional Revolutionary Party was shaken by a wave of riots in the summer of 1968 on the eve of the Olympic Games held in Mexico City, but political stability was never seriously in doubt. A somewhat analogous regime was devised in Colombia as a means of restoring civilian constitutional rule after a brief relapse in the mid-1950s into military dictatorship: the dominant Liberal and Conservative parties chose to bury the hatchet, creating a bipartisan coalition (called the National Front) whereby they shared power equally between themselves while formally shutting out any minor parties. Once this arrangement expired in 1974, Colombia became again a more conventional political democracy, such as Costa Rica had been since before 1950 and Venezuela became in 1958 after the overthrow of its last military dictator.
In Latin America generally, the practice of democracy was somewhat sporadic, but, wherever regular elections took place, they involved an enlarged electorate. The last Latin American countries adopted woman suffrage in the 1950s, and literacy test requirements continued to fall (as did illiteracy itself). Women also began to occupy high political office, including the presidency in Argentina (1974–76), Bolivia (1979–80), and Chile (2006–10). Moreover, Violeta Chamorro won the Nicaraguan vote of 1990 that put a temporary end to Sandinista rule (in 2006 the Sandinistas took power once again when former president Daniel Ortega was reelected). The advent of populism
The amorphous phenomenon of populism was another feature of the mid-20th-century political scene. Its consummate practitioner was Juan Perón of Argentina, who as a member of a military regime that seized power in 1943 took a special interest in social policy. Perón wooed Argentine labour by means of wage increases and bonuses, pensions and fringe benefits, while also exploiting widespread resentment of an oligarchy that in the 1930s had reasserted its political as well as economic dominance. He promised social justice without violent class struggle and national greatness on the basis of industrial and military strength. His message, delivered in popular language, won Perón a clearcut victory when he ran for president in 1946.
Perón was not the first Latin American leader to reward his followers with social benefits or to rail against native oligarchs and foreign imperialists, but he established a personal, charismatic link with ordinary citizens in a way that no one before him had done as successfully. “In the Argentina of Perón,” he boasted, “the only privileged ones are the children.” Yet Perón did not even pretend to be heading a revolution. As president, aided by his wife Evita until her death in 1952, he continued to cultivate mass support while signally neglecting to lay a sound basis for long-term economic growth. Perón nevertheless did not lack imitators and counterparts in other countries of Latin America.
The leading party of postdictatorial Venezuela, Democratic Action (Acción Democrática; AD), was basically reformist in orientation but with populist overtones. Rómulo Betancourt and other AD leaders were less personalistic in style than Perón, who was finally overthown in 1955, but like him they stood for the granting of lavish benefits to the working and middle classes within a general framework of capitalism. In Venezuela oil wealth ultimately encouraged the national government to squander resources without adequate regard for the future. A similar charge was leveled against Juscelino Kubitschek, who became president of Brazil (1956–61) through his skill at old-style machine politics. He was technically not a populist but had the same bent for extravagant promises and freewheeling expenditure. Kubitschek’s best-known achievement was the building of Brasília, the architecturally striking but fabulously expensive new capital city. Its construction aggravated inflationary woes but nicely epitomized his pledge to bring “fifty years’ progress in five.” Christian Democracy
A new feature since World War II was the appearance of a number of Christian Democratic parties, which offered a program of moderate reform inspired by Roman Catholic social teachings. Most were small splinter groups, but Christian Democrats eventually achieved power in Venezuela, El Salvador, and Chile. In Venezuela they alternated with the social democratic AD and in their policies became almost indistinguishable from it. In El Salvador in the 1980s they were enmeshed in a preexisting struggle against leftist guerrillas. In Chile, where they came to power first, under President Eduardo Frei (1964–70), they launched an ambitious land reform and partially nationalized the copper industry. They received enthusiastic support from the United States via the Alliance for Progress as presenting a promising alternative to Cuban-style revolution, but they failed to extend their mandate, going down to narrow defeat in a three-way contest won by Salvador Allende. Bureaucratic authoritarianism