The publication of the Principia marks the culmination of the movement begun by Copernicus and, as such, has always stood as the symbol of the scientific revolution. There were, however, similar attempts to criticize, systematize, and organize natural knowledge that did not lead to such dramatic results. In the same year as Copernicus’s great volume, there appeared an equally important book on anatomy: Andreas Vesalius’s De humani corporis fabrica (“On the Fabric of the Human Body,” called the De fabrica), a critical examination of Galen’s anatomy in which Vesalius drew on his own studies to correct many of Galen’s errors. Vesalius, like Newton a century later, emphasized the phenomena—i.e., the accurate description of natural facts. Vesalius’s work touched off a flurry of anatomical work in Italy and elsewhere that culminated in the discovery of the circulation of the blood by William Harvey, whose Exercitatio Anatomica de Motu Cordis et Sanguinis in Animalibus (An Anatomical Exercise Concerning the Motion of the Heart and Blood in Animals) was published in 1628. This was the Principia of physiology that established anatomy and physiology as sciences in their own right. Harvey showed that organic phenomena could be studied experimentally and that some organic processes could be reduced to mechanical systems. The heart and the vascular system could be considered as a pump and a system of pipes and could be understood without recourse to spirits or other forces immune to analysis.
In other sciences the attempt to systematize and criticize was not so successful. In chemistry, for example, the work of the medieval and early modern alchemists had yielded important new substances and processes, such as the mineral acids and distillation, but had obscured theory in almost impenetrable mystical argot. Robert Boyle in England tried to clear away some of the intellectual underbrush by insisting upon clear descriptions, reproducibility of experiments, and mechanical conceptions of chemical processes. Chemistry, however, was not yet ripe for revolution.
In many areas there was little hope of reducing phenomena to comprehensibility, simply because of the sheer number of facts to be accounted for. New instruments like the microscope and the telescope vastly multiplied the worlds with which humans had to reckon. The voyages of discovery brought back a flood of new botanical and zoological specimens that overwhelmed ancient classificatory schemes. The best that could be done was to describe new things accurately and hope that someday they could all be fitted together in a coherent way.
The growing flood of information put heavy strains upon old institutions and practices. It was no longer sufficient to publish scientific results in an expensive book that few could buy; information had to be spread widely and rapidly. Nor could the isolated genius, like Newton, comprehend a world in which new information was being produced faster than any single person could assimilate it. Natural philosophers had to be sure of their data, and to that end they required independent and critical confirmation of their discoveries. New means were created to accomplish these ends. Scientific societies sprang up, beginning in Italy in the early years of the 17th century and culminating in the two great national scientific societies that mark the zenith of the scientific revolution: the Royal Society of London for the Promotion of Natural Knowledge, created by royal charter in 1662, and the Académie des Sciences of Paris, formed in 1666. In these societies and others like them all over the world, natural philosophers could gather to examine, discuss, and criticize new discoveries and old theories. To provide a firm basis for these discussions, societies began to publish scientific papers. The Royal Society’s Philosophical Transactions, which began as a private venture of its secretary, was the first such professional scientific journal. It was soon copied by the French academy’s Mémoires, which won equal importance and prestige. The old practice of hiding new discoveries in private jargon, obscure language, or even anagrams gradually gave way to the ideal of universal comprehensibility. New canons of reporting were devised so that experiments and discoveries could be reproduced by others. This required new precision in language and a willingness to share experimental or observational methods. The failure of others to reproduce results cast serious doubts upon the original reports. Thus were created the tools for a massive assault on nature’s secrets.
Even with the scientific revolution accomplished, much remained to be done. Again, it was Newton who showed the way. For the macroscopic world, the Principia sufficed. Newton’s three laws of motion and the principle of universal gravitation were all that was necessary to analyze the mechanical relations of ordinary bodies, and the calculus provided the essential mathematical tools. For the microscopic world, Newton provided two methods. Where simple laws of action had already been determined from observation, as the relation of volume and pressure of a gas (Boyle’s law, pv = k), Newton assumed forces between particles that permitted him to derive the law. He then used these forces to predict other phenomena, in this case the speed of sound in air, that could be measured against the prediction. Conformity of observation to prediction was taken as evidence for the essential truth of the theory. Second, Newton’s method made possible the discovery of laws of macroscopic action that could be accounted for by microscopic forces. Here the seminal work was not the Principia but Newton’s masterpiece of experimental physics, the Opticks, published in 1704, in which he showed how to examine a subject experimentally and discover the laws concealed therein. Newton showed how judicious use of hypotheses could open the way to further experimental investigation until a coherent theory was achieved. The Opticks was to serve as the model in the 18th and early 19th centuries for the investigation of heat, light, electricity, magnetism, and chemical atoms. The classic age of science Mechanics
Just as the Principia preceded the Opticks, so too did mechanics maintain its priority among the sciences in the 18th century, in the process becoming transformed from a branch of physics into a branch of mathematics. Many physical problems were reduced to mathematical ones that proved amenable to solution by increasingly sophisticated analytical methods. The Swiss Leonhard Euler was one of the most fertile and prolific workers in mathematics and mathematical physics. His development of the calculus of variations provided a powerful tool for dealing with highly complex problems. In France, Jean Le Rond d’Alembert and Joseph-Louis Lagrange succeeded in completely mathematizing mechanics, reducing it to an axiomatic system requiring only mathematical manipulation.
The test of Newtonian mechanics was its congruence with physical reality. At the beginning of the 18th century it was put to a rigorous test. Cartesians insisted that the Earth, because it was squeezed at the Equator by the etherial vortex causing gravity, should be somewhat pointed at the poles, a shape rather like that of an American football. Newtonians, arguing that centrifugal force was greatest at the Equator, calculated an oblate sphere that was flattened at the poles and bulged at the Equator. The Newtonians were proved correct after careful measurements of a degree of the meridian were made on expeditions to Lapland and to Peru. The final touch to the Newtonian edifice was provided by Pierre-Simon, marquis de Laplace, whose masterly Traité de mécanique céleste (1798–1827; Celestial Mechanics) systematized everything that had been done in celestial mechanics under Newton’s inspiration. Laplace went beyond Newton by showing that the perturbations of the planetary orbits caused by the interactions of planetary gravitation are in fact periodic and that the solar system is, therefore, stable, requiring no divine intervention. Chemistry