Since today Germany’s economic fate vis-à-vis America is in fact also the fate of other nations in Europe, there is again a movement of credulous followers, especially among our Folk, who want to oppose a European union to the American Union in order thereby to prevent a threatening world hegemony of the North American continent.
For these people, the Pan European Movement, at least at first sight, really seems to have much that is alluring about it. Indeed, if we could judge world history according to economic viewpoints, it could even be pertinent.
Two are always more than one for the mechanic of history, and thus for the mechanical politician. But values, not numbers, are decisive in the life of nations. That the American Union was able to achieve such a threatening height is not based on the fact that ……… million people form a State there, but on the fact that ……… square kilometres of the most fertile and the richest soil is inhabited by ……… million people of the highest race value.
That these people form a State has a heightened importance for the other parts of the world, despite the territorial size of their living area, insofar as an organisation, all encompassing, exists thanks to which, indeed, the racially conditioned individual value of these people, can find a compact deployment of collective forces for fighting through the struggle for existence.
If this were not correct, if the importance of the American Union thus lay in the size of the population alone, or else in the size of the territory, or in the relation in which this territory stands to the size of the population, then Russia would be at least as dangerous for Europe. Presentday Russia encompasses ……… million people on ……… million square kilometres. These people are also comprised in a State structure whose value, taken traditionally, would have to be even higher than that of the American Union. Despite this, however, it would never occur to anybody to fear a Russian hegemony over the world for this reason. No such inner value is attached to the number of the Russian people, so that this number could become a danger for the freedom of the world. At least never in the sense of an economic and power political rule of the other parts of the globe, but at best in the sense of an inundation of disease bacilli which at the moment have their focus in Russia.
If, however, the importance of the threatening American position of hegemony seems to be conditioned primarily by the value of the American Folk, and then only secondarily by the size of this Folk’s given living space and the favourable relation between population and soil resulting therefrom, this hegemony will not be eliminated by a purely formal numerical unification of European nations, so far as their inner value is not higher than that of the American Union. Otherwise, present day Russia would necessarily appear as the greatest danger to this American Union, as would China, still more, which is inhabited by over 400 million people.
Thus, first and foremost, the Pan European Movement rests on the fundamental basic error that human values can be replaced by human numbers. This is a purely mechanical conception of history which avoids an investigation of all shaping forces of life, in order, in their stead, to see in numerical majorities the creative sources of human culture as well as the formative factors of history. This conception is in keeping with the senselessness of our western democracy as with the cowardly pacifism of our high economic circles. It is obvious that it is the ideal of all inferior or half breed bastards. Likewise, that the Jew especially welcomes such a conception. For, logically pursued, it leads to racial chaos and confusion, to a bastardisation and Negrification of cultural mankind, and thereby ultimately to such a lowering of its racial value that the Hebrew who has kept free of this can slowly rise to world domination. At least, he fancies that ultimately he will be able to develop into the brain of this mankind which has become worthless.
Aside from this fundamental basic error of the Pan European Movement, even the idea of a unification of European States, forced by a general insight emerging from a threatened distress, is a fantastic, historically impossible childishness. Thereby, I do not mean to say that such a unification under a Jewish protectorate and Jewish impulsion as such would not be possible from the outset, but only that the result could not match the hopes for which the whole monkey business sets the stage. Let no one believe that such a European coalition could mobilise any strength that would manifest itself externally. It is an old experience that a lasting unification of nations can take place only if it is a question of nations which are racially equivalent and related as such, and if, secondly, their unification takes place in the form of a slow process of struggle for hegemony.
Thus did Rome once subjugate the Latin States one after the other, until finally her strength sufficed to become the crystallisation point of a world empire. But this is likewise the history of the birth of the English World Empire. Thus, further, did Prussia put an end to the dismemberment of Germany, and thus only in this way could a Europe one day rise that could attend to the interests of its population in a compact governmental form.
But — this would only be the result of a centuries long struggle, since an infinite quantity of old customs and traditions must be overcome and an assimilation of Folks who are already extraordinarily divergent racially would have to materialise. The difficulty, then, of giving a unitary State language to such a structure can likewise be solved only in a centuries long process.
However all this would not be the realisation of the present Pan European train of thought, but rather the success of the struggle for existence of the strongest nations of Europe. And what remained would as little be a Pan Europe as, for instance, the unification of the Latin States formerly was a Pan Latinisation. The power which at that time had fought through this unification process in centuries long battles gave its name forever to the whole structure. And the power which would create a Pan Europe along such natural ways would thereby at the same time rob it of the designation Pan Europe.
But even in such a case, the desired success would not materialise. For once any European great power today —
and naturally it could involve only a power which was valuable according to its Folkdom, that is, racially important — brings Europe to unity along these lines, the final completion of this unity would signify the racial submersion of its founders, and thereby remove even the last value from the whole structure. It would never be possible thereby to create a structure which could bear up against the American Union.
In the future only the State which has understood how to raise the value of its Folkdom and to bring it to the most expedient State form for this, through its inner life as well as through its foreign policy, will be able to face up to North America. By posing such a solution as possible, a whole number of States will be able to participate, which can and will lead to a heightened fitness if for no other reason than the mutual competition.
It is again the task of the National Socialist Movement to strengthen and to prepare to the utmost its own Fatherland itself for this task.
The attempt, however, to realise the Pan European idea through a purely formal unification of European nations, without having to be forced in centuries long struggles by a European ruling power, would lead to a structure whose whole strength and energy would be absorbed by the inner rivalries and disputes exactly as formerly the strength of the German clans in the German Union. Only when the internal German question had been finally solved through Prussia’s power superiority could a commitment of the Nation’s united strength beyond its borders ensue. It is frivolous, however, to believe that the contest between Europe and America will always be only of a peaceful economic nature, if economic motives develop into determining vital factors. In general, it lay in the nature of the rise of the North American State that at first it could exhibit little interest in foreign policy problems. Not only in consequence of the lack of a long governmental tradition, but rather simply in consequence of the fact that within the American continent itself extraordinarily large areas stood at the disposal of man’s natural urge for expansion. Hence, the policy of the American Union, from the moment of breaking away from the European mother State to most recent times, was primarily a domestic one. Indeed, the struggles for freedom were themselves at bottom nothing but the shaking off of foreign policy commitments in favour of a life viewed exclusively in terms of domestic policy. In proportion as the American Folk increasingly fulfil the tasks of internal colonisation, the natural, activist urge that is peculiar to young nations will turn outward. But then the surprises which the world may perchance still experience could least of all be seriously opposed by a pacifistic democratic Pan European hodgepodge State. According to the conception of that everybody’s bastard, Coudenhove, this Pan Europe would one day play the same role vis-à-vis the American Union, or a nationally awakened China that was formerly played by the old Austrian State vis-à-vis Germany or Russia.