Humanism benefited the development of science in a number of more specific ways. Alberti’s technological applications of mathematics, and his influential statement that mathematics was the key to all sciences, grew out of his humanistic education at Padua. Vittorino, another student at Padua, went on to make mathematics a central feature of his educational program. Girolamo Cardano, a scholar of renowned humanistic skills, made major contributions to the development of algebra. In short, the importance of mathematics in humanistic pedagogy and the fact that major humanists such as Vittorino and Alberti were also mathematicians may be seen as contributing to the critical role mathematics would play in the rise of modern science. Humanistic philology, moreover, supplied scientists with clean texts and clear Latin translations of the Classical works—Plato, Aristotle, Euclid, Archimedes, and even Ptolemy—that furthered their studies. The richness of the Classical heritage in science is often underestimated. Galileo, who considered Archimedes his mentor, also prized the dialogues of Plato, in particular the Meno. The German philosopher Ernst Cassirer demonstrated the likelihood that Galileo was fond of the Meno because it contained the first statement of the “hypothetical” method, a modus operandi that characterized Galileo’s own scientific practice and that would come to be known as one of the chief principles of the “new science.” Humanism may also be seen as offering, of itself, methods and attitudes suitable for application in nonhumanistic fields. It might be argued, for example, that the revolutionary social science of Machiavelli and Juan Luis Vives was due in large measure to their application of humanistic techniques to fields that lay outside the normal purview of humanism. But most of all it was the general spirit of humanism—critical, ebullient, precise, focused on the physical world, and passionate in its quest for results—that fostered the development of the scientific spirit in social studies and natural philosophy.
GalileoPortrait of Galileo, mid-17th century.© Everett-Art/Shutterstock.com
Humanism and Christianity
Though Christian identity was de rigueur in most of Europe through the Renaissance, humanistic insight did much to trouble relations between church and state. The two most prominent critiques of church power in the 14th century were by Dante in his Aristotelian De monarchia and by Marsilius of Padua in his Defensor Pacis (1324). Though both of these tracts sought to limit church authority in secular affairs, Marsilius went farther in demanding that the church be subject to the state in all worldly matters. The Defensor, rich in Classical ideas and notable especially for its use of Aristotle and Cicero, was influential both in galvanizing Italian city-states against the Avignon papacy and in arousing early interest in church reform.
More generally, humanism was effective in challenging established pieties. First, humanists from Brunetto onward recognized that the Classical (pagan) direction of humanism necessarily constituted, if not a challenge to Christianity, at least a breach in the previous totality of Christian devotion. The Christian truth that had been acknowledged as comprehending all phenomena, earthly or heavenly, now had to coexist with a Classical attitude that was overwhelmingly directed toward earthly life. Humanistic efforts to resolve the contradictions implied by these two attitudes were, if one may judge by their variety, never wholly successful. In particular, the extent to which humanistic inquiry led scholars toward the secular realm and the extent to which humanistic pedagogy concentrated on secular subjects suggest erosions of the domain of faith. Coluccio Salutati, who urged the young Poggio not to let humanistic enthusiasm take precedence over Christian piety, thereby acknowledged a dualism implicit in the humanistic program and never wholly absent from its historical development. In later years humanistic inquiry would form the basis for the fundamentally irreligious perspectives of Machiavelli and Sir Francis Bacon and the anti-Christian fulminations of Giordano Bruno.
Second, the humanistic philology that meticulously compared ancient sources and “cleaned up” the texts of important Christian writings was a serious challenge to the authority of the church. With new authorities or refined texts in hand, humanists found fault with established commentaries and questioned traditional interpretations. Valla’s arraignment of the Donation of Constantine and Bessarion’s discovery that the supposed Dionysius the Areopagite (later called Pseudo-Dionysius) had borrowed some of his material from Plato exemplify the uneasy relationship between humanism and Roman Catholic dogma. Third, the independent and broadly critical attitude innate to humanism could not but threaten the unanimity of Christian belief. Intellectual individualism, which has never been popular in any church, put particular stress on a religion that encouraged simple faith and alleged universal authority.
Last, humanism repeatedly fostered the impulse of religious reform. The humanistic emphasis on total authenticity and direct contact with sources had, as its religious correlative, a desire to obliterate the medieval accretions and procedural complexities that stood between worshippers and their God. The reform-mindedness of such humanists as Petrarch, Boccaccio, Desiderius Erasmus, and François Rabelais was balanced on the religious side by reformers such as John Calvin and Philipp Melanchthon, who employed humanistic techniques in their own cause. And the reform movement, while it may have modernized and thus preserved Christianity, rang the death knell for a medieval culture whose essential characteristic had been participation in a universal church. Later fortunes of humanism
Shakespeare may be seen as the last major interpreter of the humanistic program. Bacon and John Milton, though formidably adept at humanistic techniques, diverged in their major work from the central current of humanism, Bacon toward natural science and Milton toward theology. If Bacon’s rationalism may be seen as a link between humanism and the Enlightenment, his strong emphasis on nature (rather than humanity) as subject matter presaged the permanent separation of the sciences from the humanities. In Milton’s theocentricity, on the other hand, lay the Christian distrust (going back, perhaps, to Luther) of humanistic secularism. These epochal divergences, moreover, were complemented by a series of rifts and ramifications within the humanistic movement. The split between philosophy and letters was, over future generations, to be compounded by the development of countless discrete specialties within both fields. Philosophers came more and more to define themselves within narrow boundaries. Creative writers and “critics” took up distinct positions and assumed adversarial relationships. The profound loss of coherence in humane letters was furthered by the gradual decline of Latin as the lingua franca of European intellectuals and the consequent separation of national traditions.
Of course there were exceptions. Jonathan Swift reasserted humanistic values in a broad-based attack on contemporary institutions, and in Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz can be found the serious intention and multifarious curiosity that characterized humanism at its best. Elements of ancient Greek thought may be found in Germany at the turn of the 19th century, particularly in the writings of Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Friedrich Schiller, and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, while, on the other side of the Atlantic, Cicero and his vision of the republic enjoyed a vigorous revival in the work of Thomas Jefferson.
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, oil painting by Joseph Karl Stieler, 1828; in the Neue Pinakothek, Munich. Courtesy of the Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, Münich, Neue Pinakothek