With shadows dancing across the ceiling and rain splattering against the windows, he reviewed what he had learned from MiT officials. The battle of Idlib had started in March 2010, when elements of the FSA-mostly Sunni defectors from the Syrian Army-seized control of the city. Several weeks later, the Syrian Army fought back, launching a ferocious artillery and air assault that dislodged the rebels from some neighborhoods and sent civilians fleeing toward the Turkish border.
The city had been a military battlefield since, with the Syrian Army controlling the center and east of the city, and periodic attacks, counterattacks, and street-to-street fighting by the rebels who occupied the north and west. While rebel groups also held most of the territory and towns around the city, their ability to retake all of Idlib was severely compromised by the infighting among them.
Mr. Asani likened the current situation to gang warfare. “Alliances shift almost daily. The different militias squabble like teenage girls but mainly disagree about two things: the presence of foreign fighters or jihadists, and the future of Syria.”
The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) were the most militant Islamists, dedicated to imposing a medieval-style Islamic caliphate, run under a strict interpretation of Sharia law, in any territory under their control. They were known to assassinate rival rebel commanders they suspected of conspiring against them, including a popular doctor and rebel brigade commander who had been tortured and killed in December.
Other al-Qaeda-affiliated groups such as the al-Nusra Front were more moderate and willing to compromise. On the other side of the political spectrum sat the FSA, whose objective was the overthrow of the Assad regime and the establishment of some form of representative government.
In late 2013, ISIS and FSA had fought pitched battles north and west of Idlib that had resulted in as many as a thousand casualties. In December ISIS seized an FSA weapons warehouse along the Turkish border.
Alarmed by the infighting, nations supporting the rebels gathered in Ankara in late December. Attending this meeting were representatives of Turkey, the United States, Saudi Arabia, Oman, and Qatar, and more than a dozen other rebel groups. These countries promised additional support if the groups they supported pledged to work together. The FSA (backed by Turkey), SRF (Syrian Revolutionary Front, backed by Saudi Arabia), the Army of Islam (backed by Qatar), the Syrian Martyrs’ Brigade, and ten other groups signed an agreement to cooperate under the banner of the Syrian Revolutionary Front to push back ISIS and liberate Syria.
Bolstered by new equipment, money, and a renewed sense of purpose, Syrian Revolutionary Front units had made major inroads in the past several weeks, pushing ISIS back to an area northwest of Aleppo.
Crocker realized that the ever-shifting rebel alliances only complicated Black Cell’s mission. Because Assad’s army still controlled parts of the city and various rebel militias continued to fight for control for the area around Idlib, infil and exfil would be problematic. Entering via helicopter or parachute was probably out of the question. Even more difficult was the challenge of removing the canisters. Since Idlib was far from the coast, they would have to enter and leave by truck.
Mr. Asani explained that the road from the Turkish border town of Reyhanli was considered safer, but it was at least twice as long as the route from Yayladaği, farther west. Both roads presented multiple challenges, including mines, IEDs, and roadblocks. Also, there was a danger that the Syrian air force could mistake vehicles as belonging to the rebels or rebel sympathizers, perhaps ferrying arms or other supplies, which meant that they could travel only at night.
As the minutes passed and Crocker’s body begged for more rest, he considered two other problems. The first had to do with the number of individuals (particularly the ones in MiT) who were now aware of his and his team’s presence. Given the religious nature of the conflict in Syria and the political/religious struggle currently raging in Turkey, it was impossible to know these individuals’ loyalties.
Second, because of the sketchy nature of the information about the situation on the ground, there was no way to know what they might encounter once they entered Syria. And there would be no one to call for help.
Chapter Five
My mama always said you’ve got to put the past behind you before you can move on.
– Forrest Gump
Early the next morning he was driven to the American consulate, which involved crossing the Galata Bridge and following a highway that snaked alongside the Bosphorus north toward the Black Sea. Last night’s storm had cleared the air, leaving deep-blue skies and puffy cumulus clouds on the horizon.
He was thinking of home and walks along Chincoteague Beach, holding Holly’s hand. During the last session in Dr. Mathews’s office, she had accused him of loving his job and his teammates more than his family.
“Not true,” he had told her then. But now he admitted she might be right. The truth was that while he loved his wife and daughter and enjoyed spending time with them, the satisfaction and excitement he got from being in SEAL teams was hard to beat.
Inside the consulate auditorium, the U.S. ambassador (who had flown in from Ankara) was quoting from Aristotle as he talked about the differences among intellectual, physical, and moral courage. He said that Jared Olafsen had possessed all three, which had made him an exceptional officer. Then he read from Senator John McCain’s book Why Courage Matters: “Physical courage is often needed to overcome our fear of the consequences of failure. Moral courage, more often than not, confronts the fear of the consequences of our success.”
When Janice stood at the lectern, she got more personal. She and Jared had entered the Agency in the same class, and she described him as the most vital person she had ever met. “Wherever he went, he made friends,” she said. “And whatever he did affected people. He certainly had a major impact on my life.”
Finally, an American minister closed with a reading from John 15 that ended, “Greater love has no one than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends.”
Crocker filed out with the twenty or so others, feeling unmoored and unsettled, wondering what was going to happen next. He found Anders waiting in the hallway. Standing beside him was the station chief, who had also flown in from Ankara-Taylor Grissom, a tall, long-faced man with a mane of silver hair.
Anders introduced them.
“I’ve been to too many of those things lately,” Crocker said, referring to the service.
“They’re tough,” Grissom responded as he studied something on his cell phone. Without looking up, he asked, “Why are you and your men here and not in Ankara?”
“Because this is where we were told to report,” Crocker answered, trying not to let Grissom piss him off.
“Why’s that?”
Anders saw that Crocker was getting annoyed, and cut in. “Because Jared, the person who was coordinating this, asked us to meet here.”
“For what purpose?” Grissom’s eyes were still directed at the little screen on his phone.
“There were people he wanted us to meet.”
“Did he tell you who?”
“We sat with some of them, including Mr. Talab, yesterday,” Anders responded.
Grissom glanced up and grunted, “Talab, yeah.” As he texted something with his thumbs, he added, “I’m headed back to Ankara, and I suggest that you two accompany me.”
“Why?” Anders asked. As Deputy Director of Operations, he was really Grissom’s boss.
“Because that’s where all our targeters and planners are located. I have no problem coordinating this with the Turks, but I don’t think we should depend on them-if we do this at all.”