126. Febvre and Martin, Op. cit., page 246.
127. Ibid., page 248.
128. See for example, Ralph Hexter, ‘Aldus, Greek, and the shape of the “classical corpus”’, in Zeidberg and Superbi (editors), Op. cit., page 143ff.
129. Febvre and Martin, Op. cit., page 273. See McGrath, Op. cit., pages 24ff and 253ff, for the rise of vernacular languages caused by printing.
130. Febvre and Martin, Op. cit., page 319.
131. Ibid., page 324. See McGrath, Op. cit., page 258, for Robert Cawdry’s The Table Alphabetical of Hard Words (1604), which listed 2,500 unusual or borrowed words.
132. Hexter says Aldus promoted Greek as well as Latin. Hexter, Op. cit., page 158.
CHAPTER 18: THE ARRIVAL OF THE SECULAR: CAPITALISM, HUMANISM, INDIVIDUALISM
1. Jardine, Worldly Goods, Op. cit., pages 13–15.
2. Harry Elmer Barnes, An Intellectual and Cultural History of the Western World, volume 2, New York: Dove, 1965, page 549.
3. Charles Homer Haskins, The Twelfth Century Renaissance, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1927, though William Chester Jordan, in Europe in the High Middle Ages, Op. cit., page 120, wonders whether the twelfth century just saw ‘an exceptional series of towering figures’.
4. Erwin Panofsky, Renaissance and Renascences in Western Art, Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1960, pages 3, 25 and 162.
5. Norman Cantor, In the Wake of the Plague, New York: Harper Collins, 2001, page 203.
6. Ibid., pages 204–205. For Florence and the plague, see Gene Brucker, Renaissance Florence, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1983, pages 40ff.
7. Paul F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning 1300–1600, Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989, page 410.
8. Ibid., page 43.
9. Ibid., pages 122–124.
10. Ibid., pages 72–73.
11. Ibid., pages 310–311.
12. Ibid., pages 318–319.
13. Hall, Cities in Civilisation, Op. cit., 1998, page 78.
14. R. A. Goldthwaite, The Building of Renaissance Florence: An Economic and Social History, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989, pages 20–22.
15. Gene Brucker, Florentine Politics and Society, 1343–1378, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1962, pages 33ff, for the old- and new-style merchants.
16. G. Holmes, Florence, Rome and the Origin of the Renaissance, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986, page 39. See also: Brucker, Op. cit., page 71.
17. R. S. Lopez, ‘The trade of medieval Europe: the south’, in M. Postan et al, (editors), The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, volume 2: Trade and Industry in the Middle Ages, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1952, pages 257ff.
18. Hall, Op. cit., page 81.
19. J. Lamer, Italy in the Age of Dante and Petrarch: 1216–1380, London: Longman, 1980, page 223.
20. Hall, Op. cit., page 81. The woollen industry showed different aspects of fledgling capitalism. For example, most of the 200 woollen companies were associations of two or more lanaiuoli, entrepreneurs who provided the capital for the plant’s operation, but rarely got involved in management, which was done by a salaried factor who might have as many as 150 people under him – dyers, fullers, weavers and spinners. In the 1427 census, wool merchants were the third most numerous profession in Florence after shoemakers and notaries. The spirit of capitalism was also evident from the growing concentration into fewer and larger firms, which reduced in number between 1308 and 1338 from 300 to 200. ‘Fortunes were made but there were also many bankruptcies.’ Ibid., page 83 and Lamer, Op. cit., page 197.
21. Hall, Op. cit., page 84. See Brucker, Op. cit., page 105, for the arrogance of the Bardi family.
22. Hall, Op. cit., page 85.
23. Brucker, Op. cit., page 105 for the conflict between mercantile and noble values.
24. Hall, Op. cit., page 101.
25. Ibid., page 87.
26. See Brucker, Op. cit., pages 217–218, for the convegni of like-minded groups.
27. Hall, Op. cit., pages 94–95.
28. Ibid., page 98.
29. For painters and sculptors, the fundamental unit was the bottega or workshop, often producing a variety of objects. Botticelli, for instance, produced cassoni or wedding chests and banners. And masters worked with assistants, like modern artisans. Ghirlandaio, Raphael and Perugino all had workshops, which were often family affairs. Hall, Op. cit., pages 102–103 and M. Wackenagel, The World of the Florentine Renaissance Artist: Projects and Patrons, Workshop and Market, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1981, pages 309–310. Translation: A. Luchs.
30. Brucker, Op. cit., pages 215–216.
31. Hall, Op. cit., page 108.
32. Brucker, Op. cit., page 26.
33. Hall, Op. cit., pages 98 and 106.
34. Ibid., page 108.
35. Brucker, Op cit., pages 214–215, for the role of Dante.
36. D. Hay, The Italian Renaissance in Its Historical Background, Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1977, page 139.
37. Hall, Op. cit., page 110.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid., page 371.
40. William Kerrigan and Gordon Braden, The Idea of the Renaissance, Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989, pages 7–8.
41. Tarnas, The Passion of the Western Mind, Op. cit., page 212.
42. Brucker, Op. cit., pages 226–227.
43. James Haskins, Plato in the Italian Renaissance, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990, volume 1, page 95.
44. Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny (two volumes), Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1955, volume 1, page 38.
45. Kerrigan and Braden, Op. cit., page 101. Some scholars have doubted that the academy ever existed.
46. Ibid. One reason Ficino found Plato so congenial, rather than Aristotle (over and above the fact that the texts were newly available), was his belief that ‘deeds sway us more than the accounts of deeds’ and that ‘exemplary lives’ (the Socratic way of life) are better teachers than the moral instruction of Aristotle.
47. Tarnas, Op. cit., page 214; Brucker, Op. cit., page 228. Haskins, Op. cit., page 295.
48. Tarnas, Op. cit., page 216. Haskins, Op. cit., page 283.