“By heavens,” said Cicero with a smile, “the company you keep!”
“Did you know that Lentulus is trying to make a comeback, by standing for a praetorship this summer?”
“Is he really?” Cicero frowned and rubbed his forehead. “He is of course a great friend of Catilina. I suppose they must be in alliance. See how the gang of rascals grows?”
“Oh yes, it is quite a political movement-him, and Catilina and Hybrida, and I got the impression there were others, but he would not give me their names. At one point, he produced a piece of paper with the prediction of some oracle written upon it, that he would be the third of the Corneli to rule as dictator in Rome.”
“Old Sleepyhead? Dictator? I trust you laughed in his face.”
“No, I did not,” replied Atticus. “I took him very seriously. You ought to try it sometime, Cicero, instead of just delivering one of your crushing witticisms which simply shuts everybody up. No, I encouraged him to ramble on, and he drank more of Celer’s excellent wine, and I listened more, and he drank more, and eventually he swore me to secrecy and he told me his great secret.”
“Which is?” said Cicero, leaning forward in his seat, for he knew that Atticus would not have summoned us for nothing.
“They are being backed by Crassus.”
There was a silence.
“Crassus is voting for them?” asked Cicero, which I think was the first time I had ever heard him say something seriously stupid: I ascribe it to the shock.
“No,” said Atticus irritably. “He is backing them. You know what I mean. Financing them. Buying them the whole election, according to Lentulus.”
Cicero seemed temporarily deprived of the power of speech. After another long pause it was Quintus who spoke up. “I do not believe it. Lentulus must have been well in his cups to make such a ridiculous boast. What possible reason would Crassus have for wanting to see such men in power?”
“To spite me,” said Cicero, recovering his voice.
“Nonsense!” exclaimed Quintus angrily. (Why was he so angry? I suppose because he was frightened that the story was true, in which case he would look a fool, especially in the light of all the assurances he had given his brother that the campaign was in the bag.) “Absolute nonsense!” he repeated, although with slightly less certainty. “We already know that Crassus is investing heavily in Caesar’s future. How much would it cost him in addition to buy two consulships and a praetorship? You are talking not just about a million, but four million, five million. He hates you, Marcus, everyone knows it. But does he hate you so much more than he loves his money? I doubt it.”
“No,” said Cicero firmly, “I am afraid you are wrong, Quintus. This story has the ring of truth, and I blame myself for not recognizing the danger earlier.” He was on his feet now and pacing around, as he always did when he was thinking hard. “It started with those Games of Apollo given by Hybrida-Crassus must have paid for those. The games were what brought Hybrida back from the political dead. And could Catilina really have raised the funds to bribe his jury, simply by selling a few statues and pictures? Of course not. And even if he did, who is paying his campaign expenses now? Because I have been inside his house and I can tell you: that man is bankrupt.” He wheeled around, his gaze darting right and left, bright and unseeing. “I have always known in my bones that there was something wrong about this election. I have sensed some invisible force against me from the very outset. Hybrida and Catilina! These creatures should never even have been candidates in any normal canvass, let alone the front-runners. They are merely the tools of someone else.”
“So we are fighting Crassus?” said Quintus, sounding resigned to it at last.
“Crassus, yes. Or is it really Caesar, using Crassus’s money? Every time I look around, I seem to see a flash of Caesar’s cloak just disappearing out of view. He thinks he is cleverer than anyone, and perhaps he is. But not on this occasion. Atticus-” Cicero stopped in front of him and took his hands in both of his “-my old friend. I cannot thank you enough.”
“For what? I merely listened to a bore, and then plied him with a little drink. It was hardly anything.”
“On the contrary, the ability to listen to bores requires stamina, and such stamina is the essence of politics. It is from the bores that you really find things out.” Cicero squeezed his hands warmly, then swung around to his brother. “We need to find some evidence, Quintus. Ranunculus and Filum are the men who can sniff it out-not much moves at election time in this city that those two are not aware of.”
Quintus agreed, and in this way, the shadowboxing of the consular election finally ended, and the real fight began.
Roll XVI
TO DISCOVER WHAT WAS GOING ON, Cicero devised a trap. Rather than simply asking around about what Crassus was up to-which would have got him nowhere, and also have alerted his enemies that he was suspicious-he instructed Ranunculus and Filum to go out into the city and let it be known that they were representing a certain anonymous senator who was worried about his prospects in the forthcoming consular ballot, and was willing to pay fifty sesterces per vote to the right electoral syndicate.
Ranunculus was a runtish, almost half-formed creature, with a flat, round face at the end of a feeble body, who well deserved his nickname of “Tadpole.” Filum was a giant spindle, an animated candlestick. Their fathers and grandfathers had been bribery agents before them. They knew the score. They disappeared into the back streets and bars, and a week or so later reported back to Cicero that something very strange was going on. All the usual bribery agents were refusing to cooperate. “Which means,” as Ranunculus put it, in his squeaky voice, “either that Rome is full of honest men for the first time in three hundred years, or every vote that was up for sale has already been bought.”
“There must be someone who will crack for a higher price,” insisted Cicero. “You had better do the rounds again, and this time offer a hundred.”
So back they went, and back they returned after another week with the same story. Such was the huge amount that the bribery agents were already being paid, and such was their nervousness about antagonizing their mysterious client, that there was not a single vote to be had, and not a breath of rumor as to who that client might be. Now you might well wonder, given the thousands of votes involved, how such an immense operation could remain so tight a secret. The answer is that it was very cleverly organized, with perhaps only a dozen agents, or interpretes as they were called, knowing the identity of the buyer (I regret to say that both Ranunculus and Filum had acted as interpretes in the past). These men would contact the officials of the voting syndicates and strike the initial bargain-such-and-such a price for fifty votes, say, or five hundred, depending on the size of the syndicate. Because naturally no one trusted anyone else in this game, the money would then be deposited with a second category of agent, known as the sequester, who would hold the cash available for inspection. And finally, when the election was over and it was time to settle up, a third species of criminal, the so-called divisor, would distribute it. This made it extremely difficult to bring a successful prosecution, for even if a man was arrested in the very act of handing over a bribe, he might genuinely have no idea of who had commissioned the corruption in the first place. But still Cicero refused to accept that someone would not talk. “We are dealing with bribery agents,” he shouted, in a rare show of anger, “not an ancient order of Roman knights! Somewhere you will find a man who will betray even as dangerous a paymaster as Crassus, if the money is good enough. Go and track him down and find his price-or must I do everything myself?”
By this time-I suppose it must have been well into June, about a month before the election-everyone knew that something strange was going on. It was turning into one of the most memorable and closely fought campaigns in living memory, with a field of no fewer than seven for the consulship, a reflection of the fact that many men fancied their chances that year. The three front-runners were reckoned to be Catilina, Hybrida, and Cicero. Then came the snobbish and acerbic Galba, and the deeply religious Cornificius. The two no-hopers were the corpulent ex-praetor, Cassius Longinius, and Gaius Licinius Sacerdos, who had been governor of Sicily even before Verres, and who was at least a decade older than his rivals. (Sacerdos was one of those irritating candidates who enter elections “not out of any personal ambition,” as they like to say, but solely with the intention of “raising issues.” “Always beware of the man who says he is not seeking office for himself,” said Cicero, “for he is the vainest of the lot.”) Realizing that the bribery agents were unusually active, the senior consul, Marcius Figulus, was prevailed upon by several of these candidates to bring before the Senate a severe new law against electoral malpractice: what he hoped would become the lex Figula. It was already illegal for a candidate to offer a bribe; the new bill also made it a criminal offense for a voter to accept one.