"Coughing?" Morrell said.
"That's what they do a lot of the time down here instead of whistling like we would," the younger officer explained.
"Do we know who did it?" Morrell asked. "Sounds like those people need stringing up themselves."
"Yes, sir." But the lieutenant colonel sounded unhappy.
"Want to tell me more, or do I need to go through all this stuff?" Morrell set a hand on the folder.
"Well, I can give you the short version," the military attorney said.
"Good!" Morrell was drowning in paperwork. "Do that, then."
"Right. For one thing, we know who did it, but we can't prove anything. Everybody denies it. Everybody who was there swears he wasn't and nobody else was, either. As far as they're concerned, that colored guy hanged himself."
"No U.S. witnesses?"
"No, sir."
"All right. You said, 'For one thing.' That means there's something else, doesn't it?"
"Yes, sir. That town will go off like a bomb if we arrest these people. Greenville does not want to put up with the idea that a Negro can get fresh with a white woman, no matter what. I don't know if the dead guy really did or he didn't. But the whites may have surrendered to us. They sure haven't given up on the way things were before they did."
"No, huh?" Morrell had heard that song too many times before. It made up his mind for him. "Send orders to the officer in charge there. Tell him to get his heavy weapons ready and make sure he has air support ready to fly. Then tell him to arrest those people and get them out of there. If Greenville rises, we'll level the place."
"Are you sure, sir?" the lieutenant colonel asked.
"If I had a superbomb handy, I'd drop it on those bastards. That's how sure I am. Now let's get cooking."
"Uh, yes, sir." The military attorney saluted and left his office in a hurry.
U.S. soldiers arrested seventeen men and two women in Greenville. The town didn't rise. Morrell hadn't thought it would. Diehards here bushwhacked and raided and made godawful nuisances of themselves. They showed no signs of being ready or able to fight pitched battles against U.S. troops.
He called in a couple of writers from Stars and Stripes, the Army newspaper. "I want you to draft a pamphlet for me," he told them. "Aim it at whites in the former CSA. We can call it Equality. Tell these bastards they don't have to like Negroes, but they can't go pissing on them the way they did before the war."
"Yes, sir," the men chorused. One of them added, "When do you want it, sir?"
"Say, a week," Morrell answered. "Then I'll get War Department approval for it, and then I'll issue it. I'll issue it by the millions, by God. From now on, nobody's going to be able to say, 'Well, I didn't know what the rules were.' We'll tell 'em just what the rules are. If they break 'em after that, it's their own damn fault."
He got the first draft six days later. He didn't think it was strong enough, and suggested changes. When it came back, he sent the text to Philadelphia. He wondered how long things would take there. With the new administration coming in, the bureaucracy was even bumpier than usual.
But he not only got approval four days later, he also got a message saying that the powers that be had sent his text to the U.S. commandants in the Gulf Coast Military District, the Mid-South Military District, and the Republic of Texas. They had orders to print and distribute Equality, too. What the written word could do, it would.
As soon as the pamphlet hit the streets, complaints hit his desk. He might have known they would. Hell, he had known they would. The former mayor of Atlanta was in prison for aiding and abetting the removal of Negroes from the town. The new town commissioner was a fortyish lawyer named Clark Butler. He would have been handsome if his ears hadn't stuck out.
He'd always cooperated with U.S. authorities before. He was hopping mad now. "You mean we have to put up with it if a, uh, colored fellow"-he'd learned it wasn't a good idea to say nigger around Morrell-"makes advances to a white woman?"
"As long as he's peaceable about it, yes," Morrell asked. "Do you mean to tell me white men never make advances to colored women?"
Butler turned red. "That's different."
"How?"
"It just is."
Morrell shook his head. "Sorry, no. I'm not going to budge on this one. Maybe it was different before the war, or you thought it was because you were on top and the Negroes were on the bottom. Things aren't like that any more."
Butler scratched the edge of his thin mustache. "Some of the states in the USA have miscegenation laws. Why are you tougher on us than you would be on them?"
"Because you abused things worse," Morrell answered bluntly. "And I don't think they'll keep those laws much longer. You gave them such a horrible example, they'll be too embarrassed to leave 'em on the books."
"You're going to cause a lot of trouble," Butler predicted in doleful tones.
"I'll take the chance." Morrell, by contrast, sounded cheerful. "If people here start trouble, I promise we'll finish it."
"It's not fair," Butler said. "We're only doing what we always did."
"Yes, and look where that got you," Morrell retorted. "Let's take you in particular, for instance. I know you didn't have anything to do with shipping Negroes to camps-we've checked. You wouldn't be sitting there if you did. You'd be in jail with the old mayor. But you knew they were disappearing, didn't you?"
"Well…" Butler looked as if he wished he could disappear. "Yes."
"Good! Well done!" Morrell made clapping motions that were only slightly sardonic. "See? You can own up to things if you try. I would've thrown you out of my office if you said anything different."
"But treating…colored folks like white people? Equality?" The city commissioner pronounced the name of the pamphlet with great distaste. "People-white people-won't like that, not even a little bit."
"Frankly, Butler, I don't give a damn." Morrell was getting sick of the whole sorry business. "Those are the rules you've got now. You're going to play by them, and that's flat. If you try to make some poor Negro sorry, we will make you sorrier. If you don't think we can do it-or if you don't think we will do it-go ahead and find out. You won't like what happens next. I promise you that. Wake the town and tell the people. We mean it."
"Colored folks in the same church? Colored kids in the same school?" Plainly, Butler was picking the most hideous examples he could think of.
And Morrell nodded as if his head were on springs. "That's right. Negroes working the same jobs as white people, too, and getting the same pay. Oh, I don't expect colored lawyers right away-you didn't let them get the education for that. But they'll get it from here on out."
"I don't reckon we'll put up with it," Butler said. "I truly don't. Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, and segregation forever!"
"Are you saying that in your official capacity, Mr. Butler?" Morrell asked. "If you are, you just resigned."
Clark Butler reconsidered. He had a well-paying, responsible job at a time and in a place where jobs of any kind were hard to come by. "Well, no. I wasn't speaking officially," he said after a brief pause. "I was just expressing the feelings of a lot of people in this part of the continent-and you know that's so, General."
Morrell knew, all right, much too well. After a pause of his own, he replied, "I don't care what people feel. I can't do anything about that. But I damn well can do something about how people behave. If you want to hate Negroes in your heart, go ahead. While you're hating them, though, I will make you sorry if you treat them any different from whites. Have you got that?"
"Equality enforced at the point of a bayonet?" Butler jeered.
"Sounds pretty silly, doesn't it?" Morrell said with a smile. The city commissioner nodded. But Morrell wasn't finished: "Still, when you get right down to it, it beats the hell out of camps and ovens and mass graves."