In High Places

'No-,' Margaret said, 'eventually one doesn't, of course. At the time you think the wound will never heal. But in the end it always does.'

Milly hesitated, searching for the right words for what was in her mind. Finally she said softly, 'You must have minded very much.'

'Yes.' Margaret nodded slowly. 'I remember I was terribly hurt at the time. Any woman would be. But one gets over those things in the end. It's a case of having to, really.'

Milly said gently, 'I wonder if I could be as understanding.' After a moment she added impulsively, 'Brian Richardson wants me to marry him.'

'And shall you?'

'I haven't decided.' Milly shook her head perplexedly. 'I think I love him; I know I do. But then, in another way, I'm not sure.'

'I wish I could help you.' There was a gentleness in Margaret's voice. 'I learned a long time ago, though – you can't live other people's lives. We have to make our own decisions even if we're wrong.'

Yes, Milly thought, as she wondered again – how long could her own decision be postponed?

Chapter 2

James Howden carefully closed the double doors of the study before picking up the special red telephone – a duplicate of one upon his East Block office desk. It was a 'scrambled' phone, with direct, safeguarded circuits. 'Prime Minister speaking,' he announced.

An operator's voice responded, 'The President is waiting, sir. One moment please.'

There was a click and then a strong bluff voice. 'Jim, is that you?'

Howden smiled at the familiar Midwestern twang. 'Yes, Tyler,' he said, 'Howden speaking.'

'How have you been, Jim?'

He admitted: 'Somewhat tired. I've covered a lot of ground in a few days.'

'I know. Your ambassador was in; he showed me your schedule.'

The President's voice took on concern. 'Don't kill yourself, Jim. We all need you.'

'I'm stopping short of that.' Howden smiled. 'But I'm glad to hear I'm needed. I hope the electorate feels the same way.'

The voice became serious. 'Do you think you can carry it, Jim? Do you think you can carry it through?'

'Yes.' The seriousness was matched. 'It won't be easy, but I can do it, providing all the conditions we discussed are met.' He added meaningfully, 'All the conditions.'

'It's that I called about.' The gruff voice paused. 'By the way, what's your weather up there?'

'It's snowing.' '

'That's what I thought.' The President chuckled. 'Are you sure you want more of the stuff – Alaska for instance?'

'We want it,' Howden said. 'And we know how to handle snow and ice; we live with it.' He forebore from adding what the Minister of Mines and Resources had observed enthusiastically at Cabinet ten days earlier: 'Alaska's like a can that's had two holes punched in it and the lid left on. If we take the lid off there are great areas that can be developed – for agriculture, housing, industry. In time, as we learn to beat the weather, we'd push even further…' It was hard to think all the time in terms of imminent war.

'Well,' the President said, 'we've decided to let the plebiscite go through. I may have a fight on my hands – our people don't like taking stars off the flag once they put them on. But, like you, I figure I can have my way.'

'I'm glad,' James Howden said. 'Very glad.'

'You received the draft of our joint statement?'

'Yes,' Howden acknowledged. 'Angry flew out West to meet me. I made some suggestions and left him to work out the details with Arthur Lexington.'

'Then we'll have it settled by tomorrow morning, with Alaska in the next. After the statement, when it comes to our separate speeches, I shall emphasize self-determination for Alaska. I presume you'll do the same.'

'Yes, I shall.' The Prime Minister added dryly, 'For Alaska and Canada.'

'Four o'clock then, tomorrow afternoon.' The President chuckled. 'I suppose we should synchronize our watches.'

'Four o'clock,' Howden said. He had a sense of finality, as if somewhere a door were closing.

The President's voice came softly through the phone. 'Jim.'

'Yes, Tyler?'

'Things are no better internationally; you know that.'

'If anything,' Howden said, 'I'd say they're worse.'

'You remember what I said: that I'm praying for the gift of a year before the fighting starts. It's the best we can hope for.'

'Yes,' Howden said. 'I remember.'

There was a pause, with heavy breathing, as if a moment of emotion were being controlled. Then the voice said quietly, 'This is a good thing we are doing, Jim. The very best… for the-children… their children yet to come…'

For a moment there was silence. Then, with a click, the line went dead.

When he had replaced the red telephone James Howden stood meditatively in the silen4›book-lined study. A portrait of Sir John A. Macdonald, founder of Canadian confederation, statesman, bon-vivctnt, and tippler extraordinary, looked down upon him.

This was a moment of triumph, Howden supposed. A moment ago the President had been jocular in his concession of the Alaska plebiscite, but it must have been bitter medicine to take and, except for Howden's own toughness in negotiations, the concession would never have been won. Now, as well as the other benefits for Canada, there was a single big red apple in return for the loss of a large part of Canadian sovereignty. He thought inconsequentially: A is for Apple; A is for Alaska.

There was a single tap upon the study's double doors. 'Yes,' he called.

It was Yarrow, the steward. The soft-footed, ageing major-domo of Number 24 announced, 'Mr Cawston is here, sir. He informs me it's very urgent.' Behind Yarrow, in the upstairs hallway, Howden could see the Finance Minister, wearing a heavy overcoat and scarf, homburg hat in hand.

He called, 'Come in, Stu.'

Entering the study, Cawston shook his head as Yarrow moved to take his outer clothing. 'I'll only be a few minutes;

I'll leave these here.' He slipped off the overcoat, folding it over a chair, the hat and scarf beside it. Turning, he smiled automatically, rubbed a hand across his balding head, then, as the door closed behind the steward, his face became sombre. 'I've bad news,' he announced tersely. 'About as bad as it can be.'

Howden waited.

Cawston said heavily, 'The Cabinet is split – right down the middle.'

James Howden allowed the words to sink in before replying.

'I don't understand,' he said. 'I was under the impression-'

'So was I,' Cawston affirmed. 'I thought you had them sold – all of us.' He gestured deprecatingly. 'Except for one or two who might have resigned after tomorrow.'

Howden nodded. Since his return from Washington there had been two full cabinet sessions on the Act of Union. The first had followed the pattern of the Defence Committee on Christmas Eve. At the second, enthusiasm had started to generate as advantages to Canada had begun to be seen. There had, of course, been a few dissidents; that was to be expected. He had foreseen, too, the inevitability of one or two resignations – they would have to be accepted and the subsequent disturbance weathered. But not a major cabinet split…

He commanded crisply, 'Give me the details.'

'There are nine involved.'

'Nine!' So Cawston had not exaggerated when he said 'down the middle'. It was more than a third of the Cabinet.

'It wouldn't have been as many, I'm sure,' Smiling Stu stated apologetically, 'if it hadn't been for the leadership…'

'Leadership!' Howden snapped. 'What leadership?'

'This is going to surprise you.' Cawston hesitated, as if anticipating the Prime Minister's anger. 'The leader of the revolt is Adrian Nesbitson.'

Stunned, incredulous, James Howden stared.

As if anticipating, Cawston said, 'There's no mistake; it's Adrian Nesbitson. He began two days ago. He persuaded the others.'