“We have all had experience of how our very perceptions are determined by what, for the most varied reasons, is in our heads or, as the Chinese would put it, behind our eyes.
“Have you never bought a new car and suddenly, driving along, you notice dozens of the same model on the roads? Where were they before?
“Perception filters, the psychologists call them.
“Paraphrasing Einstein, who, I imagine, must be turning in his grave at my intrusion, we can state that it is the investigatory hypothesis that determines what the investigators see. But not only that. It determines what they look for. It determines the questions they ask. It determines the manner in which they draw up their reports. And all this does not in the least imply bad faith.
“Allow me to repeat: all these things I have mentioned can produce errors in the investigations – and it is the business of the trial to correct such errors – but they do not in the least imply bad faith.
“If anything, in a case such as this, we are faced with an excess of good faith.
“Let us therefore return to what we were saying a few minutes ago. The investigators want to solve this dreadful crime. They want to do it for the best reasons and with the best intentions. They want to do it for the love of justice. They want to do it quickly, so that the perpetrator of such a horrible deed remains at liberty – and in a position to strike again – for as short a time as possible. In this state of mind they find a track to follow and single out a possible suspect. Not fantasies, mind you, or hypotheses used as pretexts. The track was a good one and the suspicions with regard to Abdou Thiam were plausible. On the basis of this good track, the investigators set off in pursuit of the man they considered to be the probable culprit.
“From that moment on the carabinieri and the public prosecutor have a theory which – as we learn from Einstein – will determine what they see, how they will act with witnesses, what they will ask them, how they will draw up the records and even what they will record. In perfect good faith and eagerness to see justice done.
“You will now understand the reason for those questions put by the defence to the carabinieri sergeant-major regarding the manner in which the report was drawn up. Because if I make a complete record – complete, that is, with tape recording, stenotyping and so on – there is no difficulty in understanding what happened during that examination. Everything is on record – questions, answers, pauses, the lot – and we have only to read the transcription or listen to the tape recording. If the examiner has involuntarily influenced the witness, we can verify the fact simply by reading. Then each of us can come to his own conclusions.
“If the report is a mere summary, such a verification is impossible. And if the summarized report is that of the very first contact between the investigators and the witness, the risk of involuntary manipulation of the witness’s statements and memories is very high indeed.
“Would you like a little example of how this can happen?
“I am the investigator and I have before me someone who might be an important witness, perhaps a decisive one. I have strong suspicions of a certain subject, Abdou Thiam.
“I ask the witness: Do you know Abdou Thiam? The name means nothing to me, perhaps you could show me a photo. Here’s a photo, do you know him? Yes, yes. He’s one of those niggers who often hang about outside my bar. They’re such a nuisance. Did you see him pass your bar on the day the little boy disappeared?
“The witness pauses, thinking back. The investigators feel they are nearing a solution.
“Think hard. The afternoon of the child’s disappearance. It’s a week ago.
“It seems to me I did. Yes, he must have passed by. Seems to me it was certainly him.
“At this point the sergeant-major dictates this for the records, because he wants to get it down in black and white before the witness changes his mind. Which happens all too often, alas. He dictates it to the lance-corporal at the computer. He dictates it in his bureaucratic jargon, not in the language used by the witness.”
From my documents I selected the copy of Renna’s first statement and read from it.
“In the report concerned we find expressions such as ‘in the management of the aforesaid commercial premises I am assisted by…’ and so on. Obviously these are not the words of the witness Renna. Obviously we do not know what questions were addressed to Renna. We do not know because we are given only the answers. What were the questions put to the witness? Were they questions which influenced him? Were they leading questions, that is, questions so put as to suggest or prompt the expected answer? Were they questions which, quite involuntarily, created a memory?
“There is no need for bad faith. It is enough to have a theory to confirm and our brain does the rest on its own, perceiving, working out, setting down in the records in such a way as to adapt the facts to fit the theory. Creating, or shall I say assembling, a false memory.
“I say ‘false’ not because Renna invented anything or the carabinieri with criminal intent suggested a false story for him to tell. It is simply that in the course of the first interrogation Renna’s memories were reprogrammed in the light of the investigatory theory adopted, for which no objective verification was sought, but only confirmation. Those memories were reprogrammed, and how this happened in concrete fact we shall never know. Because the interrogation of this witness was not taped, only summarized in writing. In the manner which we have seen.
“Would you like to know how far it is possible to influence the reply of a witness, or even modify his memory, simply by putting the question in a different way? Let me tell you of another experiment, this time carried out in Italy. Three groups of psychology students – not children, not uninformed persons, but students of psychology who knew they were being submitted to a scientific test – these students, I say, were shown a film sequence. In this sequence a woman was seen leaving a supermarket with a trolley. A young man approached the woman from behind, seized a handbag lying on top of the trolley and made off with it. The three groups were asked to give an account of what they had seen, but in answer to different questions. The first group was asked ‘Did the thief barge into the woman?’ The second group was asked ‘In what way did the aggressor push the woman?’ The students of the third group were simply asked to tell what they had seen. Needless to say, in the film there had been no push and no barging.
“I think you will already have guessed the result of the experiment. Among the students of the third group – those who had simply been asked to give an account of the facts – only 10 per cent or just over spoke of a bump or any kind of physical contact between the aggressor and the woman. Of the students of the first group only 20 per cent spoke of a shove. While in the second group – to whom the most strongly suggestive question had been put – almost 70 per cent of the answers spoke of the non-existent contact. As in the case of the children, moreover, all those who spoke of it embroidered their accounts with details about the manner, the violence and the direction of this non-existent shove.
“Need I say more? Do we have to waste more words in explaining how far the manner of conducting an interrogation can influence not only the answers but the very reconstruction of the memories of the person being interrogated? I think not.
“We have now understood how vital it is to know which questions – and in what order, at what speed, in what tone of voice – have been put to a witness in his most important deposition, which is his first.