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A number of less direct sources may perhaps be linked with the reinforcement of the Roman garrison at Jerusalem during the Diaspora rising. Hippolytus’ report that “Trajan-Quietus” erected an image of Kore in the Temple[1619] seems to relate to Lusius Quietus’ activity in Judaea at the time.[1620] In the year 116/117, at any rate, the Roman authorities found need to reinforce the garrison of Jerusalem, and various traditions, both Jewish and Christian, indicate the erection of pagan shrines in the city in Trajan’s time, as if to emphasize its non-Jewish character. Tal-mudic sources also preserve several echoes of persecution, danger and capital sentences executed upon Jews in the country in Trajan’s reign; these have been collected by Alon.[1621]

A time of danger, in which circumcision was prohibited, is indicated by sayings cited in the name of R. Eli’ezer ben Hyrcanus, who died before Hadrian’s reign.[1622] Tosephta Kelim[1623] reports that four scholars, R. Hutzpit, R. Yashabab. R. Halaphta and R. Yohanan ben Nuri, spent some time in hiding at Tzippori (Sepphoris) in the house of R. Ele’azar ben ’Azariah, who also died before the Second Revolt (132-135). It is moreover probable that the tradition concerning the execution of R. Simon and R. Ishmael by the Roman government, belongs to the time of Trajan, and does not refer to the deaths of Rabban Simon ben Gamliel and the high priest Ishmael who were killed in the period of the Great Rebellion of 66-73; this view gains support from the prediction that they would die by the sword, attributed to Samuel “the Little”, who died some time after the Revolt of 66, in the time of Gamliel the younger.[1624]

Finally a note of religious persecution is sounded by the report[1625] concerning “Lulianus and Pappus, to whom they gave water in a vessel of painted glass, and they refused it” — i.e. that they refused to make a show of offering a libation to the Emperor. The problems surrounding these two men are discussed briefly below; but it is clear from the associated traditions that they were put to death by Lusius Quietus acting in his capacity of emergency governor of Judaea.

It is harder to evaluate the information reproduced by very late sources concerning Lucuas, the leader of the Jews of Cyrenaica. According to Abu’al Faraj (Bar Hebraeus), a 13th century author, Lucuas broke through to Judaea and was killed there by the Romans after a number of small engagements;[1626] this report is repeated by Michael Syriacus,[1627] who writes: “At the end of Trajan’s reign the Jews of Egypt rebelled and set up a king called Lump-saios, who led them to Judaea. Trajan sent Lusius upon them and he annihilated them in their ten-thousands.”[1628]

A very complex problem is presented by the various traditions to be found in talmudic literature concerning the figures of Lulianus and Pappus. The events related by these sources amount, in brief, to this. These two Jews, Lulianus and Pappus, were seized at Laodicea by “Troginus“, and put to death by him; but Troginus was at once put to death himself.[1629] According to other traditions[1630] “the day of Tirion” was abolished due to the death of Simon and ‘Azariah. A tradition cited by Midrash Genesis Rabha[1631] relates that “in the days of Joshua ben Hananiah the Empire decreed that the Temple should be [rejbuilt, and Pappus and Lulianus set up banks from Akko to Antioch to supply pilgrims.“

The difficulty in interpreting the events hidden behind these traditions is to reconcile the information dating the death of Pappus and Lulianus to Trajan’s reign — since clearly “Troginus” who executed them, and was himself executed, is Lusius Quietus governor of Judaea, who was put to death by Hadrian shortly after his accession[1632] — with the statement linking the episode of the banks to the time of Joshua ben Hanania, who lived under Hadrian. The difficulty, however, may have been exaggerated somewhat, since Quietus was executed by Hadrian in July, 118,[1633] and not by Trajan, hence it may be believed that Lulianus and Pappus were also put to death after Trajan’s decease. The substitution of the name Trajan for Qitos is natural, since Quietus was Trajan’s general. On the other hand Hadrian’s alleged decision to rebuild the Temple, if it was ever taken, is hardly likely to belong to a period immediately after his accession, when the disturbances occasioned by the Diaspora revolt had barely died down. The “Day of Tirion“, on the other hand, probably has no connection at all with Trajan, who is always known as “Trikinios“ or “Troginus” in talmudic sources.[1634]

The character of Pappus and Lulianus is indicated by other talmudic passages. They are called “proud men, the strength of Israel“ by Rabbi ’Aqiva,[1635] and in Sifra[1636] are compared to Joab, David’s general. The precise significance of the tradition relating the imperial decision to rebuild the Temple is problematic, but it seems clear that Pappus’ and Lulianus’ project was the organization of infiltration by Jews from outside the country, and their activity “from Akko to Antioch” can be understood against the background of the rising in Cyprus and the island’s nearness to the Syrian harbours, — i.e. as the transfer of insurgents from thence to the coast of Eretz Yisrael. This operation can also be connected with the policy of Quietus during his governorship, meant to emphasize the pagan character of Jerusalem by the setting up of new images. The operations of Pappus and Lulianus would have been directed to enabling the infiltration of Jews into the city (the feeding of pilgrims), in order to prevent its conversion into a centre of idolatry, and Genesis Rabba[1637] is perhaps to be interpreted as the decision of the Roman power to convert the Temple into a pagan shrine. The phrase “the Empire decreed” (מלכות גזרה), at all events, can with difficulty be interpreted in a favourable sense. This would explain the words of Siphra,[1638] which compare the brothers Pappus and Lulianus to Joab, who captured Jerusalem for David,[1639] The date of Quietus’ appointment makes it clear that the movement organized by Pappus and Lulianus began as early as 117 and continued after Trajan’s death, and if our suggestion is correct that the Cyprus rising was suppressed in 117, the movement of entry into Syria and Judaea must have reached its height not later than the beginning of the same year.

A tradition in the Jerusalem Ta’aniot[1640] perhaps preserves a memory of one centre of insurgency in Judaea in 116-117. This says that “Bethar lasted fifty-two years after the destruction of the Temple.” As the Temple was destroyed in 70 and the year 122 has no significance (70 + 52 = 122), the calculation here probably proceeds from the opening of the rebellion in 66, making the fifty-second year 118, i.e. the end of the disorders that had begun under Trajan and terminated under Hadrian. It is therefore possible, according to this text, that Bethar was a centre of unrest in the years 116-118, as it was to be again in the war of 132-135. While it must be admitted that the context of the statement is such as to relate it to the revolt in Hadrian’s time,[1641] the independent tradition of Midrash Rabba on Lamentations[1642] of hostility between Jerusalem and Bethar before the Destruction is such as to make the present interpretation credible.