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Timoshenko lived in a flat not far away. He collected me at seven forty-five in the morning and we were on the museum doorstep precisely on the dot of eight. It was a cool sunny morning and I spent it near a window in the reading room with two young women delivering cartons of dusty documents to my table. By half-past eight I had the company of four or five other patrons-sometimes there were students; quite a few old men used the place and after the first couple of days it was obvious the number of readers in the library was a direct function of the weather outside. When it rained the place got crowded.

Timoshenko did not watch over my shoulder. He would drop me at eight and arrange to pick me up at four when the museum closed; I was on my own for lunch. Although there were cafes in the neighborhood I soon took to bringing a cold lunch and a flask of coffee with me so that I didn’t have to interrupt the precious hours of work.

From a researcher’s point of view the Military Archives were a treasure of dreams. The Russians had carefully preserved every scrap of paper relating to the siege. Candid snapshots, railway timetables, propaganda leaflets, even restaurant menus with penciled dates on them to show the progression of the siege-with more and more items being scratched off as time went by until there were no more menus. The Germans at the last had taken out an incredible volume of material in the evacuations-that was the material I had already seen in Washington and London-but a great mass of it had been left behind nevertheless. Some of it had been abandoned by fleeing Germans, and other bodies of documents had been captured by the Russians along with the Germans who had them in their possession at the time when the Red onslaught overran and swallowed whole rear-guard regiments.

I had taken the better part of eighteen months to go through a similar volume of material in the West; I had three weeks to do it here. There were the usual bureaucratic delays-it was a middle-aged woman at the desk, an employee of the museum, who now had a spiral-bound list of document numbers from Moscow in which she had to look up the classification of each request of mine before she could release it to my table or deny me access to it.

It goes without saying I became very shortly a victim of backaches, headaches and blurred vision. The concentration of work unnerved me and I came to dread that hard wooden chair each morning. With dinner I took three or four straight chilled vodkas. The first few nights Timoshenko took me out on the town after dinner but soon I was too exhausted for that; at any rate I was trying to keep ahead of my notes and sometimes the work in my hotel room kept me up well into the small hours. Once, at three in the morning, I emerged from my room and limped toward the front door to go outside for a breath of air but the stern woman at the desk shook her head mutely at me and I returned chastened to the room; from then on I had to satisfy myself with five minutes’ pacing back and forth around the bed at irregular intervals to keep my bones and muscles from cramping into irrevocable knots.

Toward the end of the first week I learned I was under surveillance. It took that long because they worked it in relays and I didn’t see the same faces all the time. There were at least three of them, possibly others as well. I can’t say exactly what put me onto them. Perhaps it was the fact that they made a point of not looking at me. Most Russians tended to stare at me out of curiosity. By my clothes and hair, perhaps by my face and carriage, I was obviously a foreigner; they didn’t get many Westerners in Sebastopol and I was studied with great interest by most people. These fellows only shot covert glances at me when they thought I wasn’t looking at them. By the beginning of the second week I knew who they were and I knew at least one of them would always be in the reading room while I was working there.

After that it took two or three more days before I realized they were not there so much to keep an eye on me-although I’m sure they did keep watch, to make sure I didn’t purloin any records; their main purpose was to find out what I was looking at, or looking for. It was a slipup on the part of one of the girls on the desk which gave that part of it away. I turned in a batch of documents, picked up the new batch and returned to my table; and as I sat down I happened to glance back toward the desk and the girl was handing a man the sheaf of papers I’d just turned in to her. He took them back to his table and went through them quickly, occasionally jotting something in a pocket note pad by his elbow.

Usually they were more circumspect than that. At no other time did I see the documents turned over to a new reader but on occasion I would glance around the room and see a folder I’d read the same day on the table in front of one of the men whose faces I’d come to recognize.

It was a bit of a charade; once one of them even smiled at me in a shrugging helpless way as if to say he knew it was silly but what could he do, he had his orders. I don’t imagine there was anything sinister in it; in a way it was a kind of courtesy they were doing me. I was a distinguished guest and it simply wouldn’t do to have some snarling KGB thug wrench the documents out of my hand and go riffling obviously through them to see what I had found. The effect was the same but they were trying to be polite about it. The result was a sort of comic pantomime in which we all knew what was going on but none of us said a word about it. Such are the devices of diplomacy.

I should have been more good-humored about it but I was engaged in what I thought of as a minor duplicity-I was still doing everything I could to mask my interest in Kolchak’s gold-and the surveillance meant I had to use even more caution in selecting the documents I wanted to see.

I did my best to deceive them while still managing to look at all the documents I thought might be relevant to the gold affair. I would sandwich a request for a potentially gold-related document into a multiple request for a whole group of documents, all very similar but the others being of no significance to me or to the gold. Thus if I wanted to look at one of von Geyr’s latest letters on the subject of the gold, I would request an entire folder of von Geyr’s reports. Twice I made a point of smudging thumbprints on documents that had nothing to do with gold.

Steadily I formed a picture of the events east of Kiev that had been precipitated by the Krausser dispatch in 1942. I put the new facts together with those from the American and British archives; together they confirmed and expanded what Haim Tippelskirch had told me in Tel Aviv. His aged ramblings had been vehemently querulous and I’d been tempted to discount much of what he’d said (partly because even Haim admitted a lot of it was hearsay); but everything I’d learned since then only added proof to his story.

Details were missing. Some of the evidences were mildly contradictory but that was only to be expected. There was still work to do; but by the end of my second week in Sebastopol I knew how and when the Germans had removed the gold from Kolchak’s iron mine and brought it west across southern Siberia into Russia; I had enough clues to make a shrewd guess at what had happened to it after that, and for the first time I saw that it might be possible to find out exactly how it had disappeared-and where.

* The Istoriya Velikoi Otechestvennoi Volny Sov. Soyuza is the Communist Party’s massive and monumental official history of the war. It was published during the Khrushchev regime and is characterized by a distressing number of bald-faced, self-serving lies and distortions. Still, it is the best basic source on World War II in Russia. Elsewhere in his notes, Bristow indicates he had studied the Istoriya at length, and that part of his purpose in Russia was to confirm from the primary field sources some of the statements he thought suspect in the Istoriya.-Ed.